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THE  GIFT  OF 

MAY  TREAT  MORRISON 

IN  MEMORY  OF 

ALEXANDER  F  MORRISON 


THE  REVOLUTIONARY 
TENDENCIES  OF  THE  AGE 

THEIR  CAUSE  AND  THEIR 
ULTIMATE   AIM 


G.  P.   PUTNAM'S   SONS 


NEW  YORK 

LONDON 

27 

West 

Twenty-third  Street 

24 

Bedford 

Street, 

Strand 

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gnicIitrbockEr  "$ 

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1897 

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Copyright,  1897 

BY 

G.  P.  PUTNAM'S   SONS 
Entered  at  Stationers'  Hall,  London 


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CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER.  PAGB 

I.     Introduction i 

II.     A  Survey  of  the  Existing  State  of  Things,  in 
Respect  to  the  Division  of  the  Good  and 
Fair  Things  of  this  World      ....        9 
III.     An  Inquiry   into    the   Cause   of   the   Existing 

State  of  Things 24 

en 

?>■  IV.     The  Diffusion  of  Knowledge  and  the  Revolu- 

M  TiON  IT  IS  Producing 40 

cc 

%  V.     Premonitory  Signs 47 

VI.  Modern  Democracy  the  Result  of  the  Diffusion 

2  of  Knowledge 52 

7>            VII.  The  Triumph  of  Democracy,  so  Far,  a  Triumph 

Qg  OF  Mere  Forms 57 

%          VIII.  The  Tendencies  of  the  Times  Point  to  the  Sub- 

<sl  STANTiAL  Triumph  of  Democracy     ...      82 

<             IX.  What    Course    Shall    Enlightened  Democracy 

Follow? 115 

X.     The  Principle  of  Rewards 138 

XI.  The  Necessity  of  Restriction        .        .        .        .153 

XII.    Conclusion 166 


::3891 


THE  REVOLUTIONARY  TENDENCIES 
OF  THE  AGE : 

THEIR  CAUSE  AND  THEIR  ULTIMATE  AIM. 


CHAPTER   I. 


INTRODUCTION. 


IN  the  midst  of  the  blue  waters  of  a  distant 
sea,  lies  an  island  of  wondrous  beauty. 
Rising  gradually  from  the  shores  are  hills,  and 
back  of  these  are  mountains  which  pierce  the 
sky. 

So  long  had  the  good  people  who  dwelt  on 
this  island  lived  as  they  now  lived;  so  fixed 
were  their  thoughts  and  customs,  that  they 
learned  to  look  on  the  laws  which  governed 
them  as  part  of  the  eternal  and  immutable  sys- 
tem of  the  universe.  Thus,  while  many  were 
familiar  with  discomfort,  and  suffered  at  times 
great  misery,  it  occurred  to  but  few  that  their 
unenviable  existence  was  the  result  of  human 


2  THE  REVOLUTIONARY  TENDENCIES 

regulation's;  aii(\.'t{iit:  ji  -change  in  these  might 
improve.  tlieir..f.onclltion,-.^  How,  tliey  asked 
them'§eiv6?,-'*'c6iilci -tliey"' alter  that  which  had 
always  existed — yes,  as  far  back  as  the  memory 
of  man  could  extend  ?  In  winter,  with  ice  on 
the  waters  and  snow  on  the  fields,  the  sun  gave 
less  warmth  than  their  shivering  bodies  desired. 
Could  they  remedy  this?  The  sun  was  so 
distant  were  it  not  useless  to  complain  ? 

And  the  people  kept  on  in  their  way — the 
same  old  way — thinking  it  was  the  only  way. 
They  wondered  at  nothing.  A  stranger,  how- 
ever, coming  from  a  far-a-way  land,  and  wander- 
ing over  the  island  in  search  of  information, 
wondered  at  many  things  he  saw.  Wherever 
he  travelled,  he  observed  that  the  same  con- 
ditions prevailed :  the  picturesque  hills  and 
fertile  valleys  were  reserved  for  a  few  manors, 
while  the  unattractive  plains  were  covered  with 
huts,  built  closely  together.  These  had  no  ver- 
dure around  them ;  nay,  no  more  land  than  was 
required  for  them  to  stand  on. 

Prompted  by  curiosity,  the  stranger  inquii-ed 
at  many  of  the  humble  doors  why,  for  no  ap- 
parent reason,  so  noticeable  a  difference  existed 
between  the  habitations  of  men  who  were  all 
of  the  same  race.     But  he  inquired  in  vain. 


OF  THE  AGE. 


Leaving  the  plains,  he  strolled  up  the  hill- 
sides, among  the  terraced  gardens,  the  flowers 
of  which  filled  the  atmosphere  with  fragrance. 
Between  the  groves  of  trees  he  espied  lakes 
over  whose  crystal  expanse  sailed  pleasure 
boats  wafted  by  the  breezes  from  the  eastern 
seas.  In  the  centre  of  lawns  played  fountains 
whose  waters,  shooting  heavenward,  fell  like 
myriad  brilliants  scattered  in  the  sun.  Birds 
of  rich  and  varied  plumage  were  attracted  to 
the  spot ;  and  while  some  flitted  in  the  air  to 
catch  the  refreshing  spray,  others,  hidden  in  the 
foliage,  sent  forth  melodious  notes  to  express 
their  joy  of  living.  Wise  birds — and  more  for- 
tunate than  many  islanders — to  choose  such 
abodes ! 

Approaching  the  summit  of  a  mountain,  the 
wanderer  saw,  seated  on  a  rock,  a  hermit,  lost 
in  meditation. 

"Forgive  me,  good  hermit,  for  disturbing 
your  thoughts.  I  am  a  stranger  in  these  parts, 
and  would  fain  learn  from  you  why  it  is  the 
manor-houses,  few  in  number,  are  surrounded 
by  abundant  verdure,  while  the  huts,  too  nu- 
merous to  count,  have  not  a  plot  of  grass." 

"  You  disturb  not  my  thoughts,  O  stranger ; 
mine  travel  the  same  path  as  yours.     The  hut- 


4  THE  REVOLUTIONARY  TENDENCIES 

dwellers  liave  no  verdure  because  they  own  no 
portion  of  this  island  whereon  to  cultivate  it. 
E\eu  were  they  l(jrds  of  many  fields,  of  what 
avail  would  these  be  without  water  to  make 
them  fertile  ? " 

"  And  have  they  not  water  sufficient  to  irri- 
gate land  \ " 

"  Alas  ! "  exclaimed  the  hermit,  "  they  deem 
themselves  fortunate  in  securing  enough  where- 
with to  quench  their  thirst.  Think  not,  however, 
that  water  is  scarce.  From  time  immemorial  it 
has  been  flowing,  in  generous  streams,  from  the 
mountains  into  the  valleys ;  yet  the  plains  of 
the  hut-dwellers  are  arid." 

"  And  why  is  this  thus  ? "  inquired  the 
stranger. 

The  hermit's  eyes  flashed  as,  rising  from  the 
rock,  he  pointed  his  withered  hand  to  the  regions 
beneath  :  "  Ask  the  greed  of  the  few  ;  ask  the 
folly  of  the  many !  I,  years  ago,  saw  the  in- 
iquity of  that  which  now  causes  you  to  wonder. 
I  i)roc]aimed  it  to  all  who  would  listen,  and 
urged  them  to  action ;  but  the  untutored  people 
failed  to  grasp  the  meaning  of  my  words ;  and 
the  lords  of  the  manors,  alarmed  at  my  doctrines, 
exiled  me  to  the  forest  and  the  mountain,  as  a 
wild  beast,  dangerous  to  human  life." 


OF  THE  AGE.  5 

Taking  his  companion  by  tlie  hand,  the  hermit 
led  him  to  a  point  from  which  they  could  dis- 
cern, in  the  distance,  a  mighty  cataract  dashing 
over  rocks  into  a  lake  below.  The  cataract  was 
unapproachable,  and  the  lake,  surrounded  by  a 
massive  wall,  was  closely  guarded. 

"  See,  O  stranger,  that  bountiful  supply  of  crys- 
tal water,  springing  from  the  breast  of  Mother 
Earth.  Yet  you  and  I,  her  thirsting  child- 
ren, cannot  wet  our  lips  therewith.  Observe 
those  conduits  of  solid  metal,  winding  like  paths 
down  the  mountain  side.  Each  one  empties  in 
a  reservoir  attached  to  the  various  manors.  It 
is  this  delicious  water  which  irrigates  the  fields 
and  gardens,  and  brings  forth  the  luxuriant 
verdure  which  charms  the  eye,  the  luscious  fruit 
which  delights  the  palate,  the  vines  from  which 
are  pressed  the  wines  which  stimulate  fancy.  It 
is  the  elixir  of  life.  And  the  lords  have  a  mono- 
poly thereof.  They  allot  to  the  hut-dwellers, 
who  are  their  slaves,  sufficient  to  keep  them  alive, 
and  no  more,  and  this  is  given  them,  not  as  their 
right,  nor  yet  in  a  spirit  of  benevolence,  but 
that  they  may  retain  strength  to  do  the  work 
of  the  morrow.  Those  who  toil  not  must  thirst. 
Thirst  is  quenched  only  in  exchange  for  labor 
performed ;  hence  those  who  are  unable  to  find 


6  THE  REVOLUTIONARY    TENDENCIES 

a  master  willing  to  buy  their  labor,  must  beg  of 
their  neighbors  or  die.  And  this,  mark  you, 
when  an  abundance  of  the  life-sustaining  fluid 
is  made  to  supply  lakes  for  pleasure  boats  to 
sail  on,  and  fountains  for  birds  to  flutter  in." 

"  This  is  indeed  strange,"  said  the  wanderer. 

"  Yet  you  know  not  half  the  strangeness  there- 
of," replied  the  hermit.  "  Consider  that  not- 
withstanding this  plenty,  this  superabundance, 
many  of  those  who  enjoy  it  are  constantly 
accumulating,  constantly  striving  for  more.  Not 
only  do  they  restrict  to  a  minimum  the  allowance 
of  those  whose  labor  and  assistance  are  essential 
to  them — of  those  who  built,  maintain  and  guard 
the  wall  around  the  lake,  the  conduits  leading 
therefrom,  and  the  reservoirs  into  which  they 
empty — but  they  combine,  and  scheme,  and 
resort  to  innumerable,  and  often  questionable, 
methods  to  draw  from  their  neighbors'  supply, 
and  thus  increase  their  own." 

"  What — having  more  than  they  require,  their 
greed  instigates  them  to  draw  from  others  ? " 

"Ah — that  were  little  harm  if,  after  surfeit- 
ing  themselves  ;  if,  after  satisfying  the  wants  of 
their  steeds  and  their  hounds,  they  permitted 
the  surplus,  the  overflow,  to  run  where  it  should 


OF   THE  AGE.  y 

naturally  gravitate — to  the  thirsting  toilers  be- 
low ;  if  they  allowed  them  a  little  verdure,  a 
few  flowers,  and  the  joy  that  these  bring." 

"  How  many  are  there  who  dwell  in  the  manor- 
houses?"  asked  the  stranger. 

"  A  thousand." 

"  And  how  many  in  the  huts  ? " 

"  A  million." 

"  A  million  fools  !  " 

"  You  re-echo  my  words,"  exclaimed  the  her- 
mit exultingly.  Then,  in  tones  wherein  hope 
blended  with  sorrow,  he  continued : 

"  Many  weaiy  years  have  elapsed  since  I  told 
them  of  their  folly ;  but,  alas  !  I  was  one  of  them 
— a  poor  prophet  in  his  own  poor  land.  Go  you, 
O  stranger,  and  speak  to  them.  They  may  listen 
to  your  voice,  for  I  have  heard  it  said  new 
lights  have  come  to  them  of  late.  Ask  them, 
the  children  of  this  luxuriant  isle,  why  they 
thirst  when  the  mountains  are  belching  forth 
water,  and  the  reservoirs  are  ovei'flowing ;  ask 
them  why  they  allow  their  toil  to  prove  so 
fruitful  to  those  who  toil  not,  and  so  baiTen  to 
themselves ;  ask  them,  and  ask  them  loudly, 
why  they  tolerate  in  some  the  sin  of  waste, 
while  others  know  the  bitterness  of  want.     Go, 


8  THE  REVOLUTIONARY   TENDENCIES 

O  stranger,  amongst  them.  Perhaps  the  soil  is 
more  recei^tive,  the  seed  more  ripe.  Plant  it 
in  their  midst.  May  it  grow,  may  it  fructify ; 
may  it  bring  plenty  to  all  men." 


OF  THE  AGE. 


CHAPTEK  II. 

A   SUEVEY  OF  THE   EXISTING   STATE   OF  THINGS,  EN" 

RESPECT  TO  THE  DIVISION  OF  THE  GOOD  AND 

THE   FAIR   THINGS    OF   THIS    WORLD. 

THE  Lord  of  the  Manor  is  a  fortunate 
mortal.  This  earth,  a  valley  of  tears  to 
so  many,  is  to  him  a  charming  abode.  Indeed, 
it  would  appear  as  though  all  that  was  best  and 
fairest  thereon  was  created  for  him,  since  his 
surroundings  are  the  most  delightful  known, 
and  the  life  he  leads  the  most  desired  by  man. 
He  has  more  manors  than  one.  Wherever 
nature  is  most  attractive,  there  he  casts  his  tent. 
When  the  cold  winds  blow,  and  snow  covers 
the  land,  he  takes  wing  for  the  sunny  south, 
where  the  sky  is  blue  and  the  air  is  balmy ;  he 
seeks  the  shade  of  the  palm-tree  and  the  olive, 
and  he  dreams  of  many  things — but  not  of  the 
rigors  of  winter.  Ere  the  heat  of  summer 
comes,  he  wanders  back  to  his  northern  home, 
to  partake   of   that  which  the   south  can  no 


lO  THE  REVOLUTIONARY   TENDENCIES 

longer  afford — the  more  exciting  life,  and  the 
cool,  refreshing  breezes.  "Wherever  he  goes, 
pleasure  attends  him,  luxury  surrounds  him. 
Men,  human  like  himself,  follow  all  his  move- 
ments and  await,  with  anxious  eye,  the  sign  of 
command  to  do  his  bidditig;  they  supply  all 
his  wants  and  relieve  him  of  any  task  that 
might  require  effort  or  produce  fatigue.  His 
home  is  a  palace,  rivalling  in  magnificence  that 
of  princes.  He  points  T^'ith  pride  to  the  tapes- 
tried walls  and  to  many  works  of  art,  of  price- 
less value,  representing  the  inspirations,  also 
the  labors,  of  the  gifted  of  nature.  His  halls, 
ablaze  with  light,  resound  with  the  merry 
laughter  of  fair  dames  and  their  cavaliers. 
They  eat  from  golden  plates,  and  drink  from 
crystal  goblets,  while  strains  of  entrancing 
music  combine  with  the  vapors  of  wine  to  give 
biilli  to  enchantment.  Sometimes  austere,  from 
surfeit  of  indulgence,  he  is  more  often  a  prince 
of  good  fellows,  a  scoffer  of  all  that  smacks  not 
of  merriment,  a  reveller  at  the  banquet  of  life,  a 
gaml)ler  and  a  careless  loser,  a  generous  and 
a  general  lover — taking  pleasure  in  strange  ad- 
ventures, in  surpassing  romances,  in  daring,  gal- 
lant, sometimes  conscienceless,  intrigues ;  and, 
withal,  deeming  the  earth  his  play-ground,  and 


OF    THE  AGE.  II 

holding  in  contempt  all  humanity  which  is  be- 
yond the  pale  of  his  own  charmed  circle. 

Here  let  us  pause  and  reflect. 

To  live  as  the  Lord  of  the  Manor  lives,  in 
stately  style,  requires,  as  is  obvious  to  all,  great 
riches;  for  without  these,  the  pleasures  and 
luxuries  he  enjoys  would  be  beyond  his  reach, 
as  they  are  beyond  the  reach  of  all  who  are 
poor.  It  is  no  less  obvious  that  it  requires 
effort,  great  effort,  to  create  riches.  Certainly 
wealth,  and  that  which  it  affords,  cannot  spring 
from  idleness;  and  the  Lord  of  the  Manor  is 
idle.  Yet  he  has  of  all  things  in  abundance — 
in  abundance  which  leads  to  satiety. 

How  does  a  condition  so  strange  as  this 
arise?  Who  is  this  particular  man  that  he 
should  occupy  a  position  so  exalted,  so  excep- 
tional, so  enviable  among  men  ?  Since  wealth 
can  only  be  produced  by  effort,  was  he  once  a 
mighty  worker,  now  enjoying  the  fruit  of  his 
labor  ?  Is  he  a  valiant  warrior,  the  hero  of 
many  victories,  resting  on  his  laurels  ?  Is  he, 
by  birth  or  by  election,  the  ruler  of  his  fellows, 
and  as  the  representative  of  these,  surrounded 
by  high  state,  pomp,  and  splendor?  Is  he  a 
mental  prodigy,  or  a  model  of  physical  pro- 
portions,  to   be   thus   discerned   and   honored 


12  THE  REVOLUTIONARY   TENDENCIES 

amone:  the  multitudes  ?  Is  he  the  benefactor  of 
the  people,  their  idol,  since  they  allow  him  the 
undisturbed  enjoyment  of  privileges  and  ad- 
vantages which  are  denied  the  majority  of  the 
people  ? 

No,  he  is  none  of  these.  Observe  him  well; 
he  is  in  appearance,  in  speech,  in  manner,  in 
knowledge,  not  unlike  a  thousand  other  men 
who  pass  by,  but  dare  not  enter  the  manor 
gates.  And  yet,  though  he  is  neither  worker, 
ruler,  nor  warrior ;  neither  eminent  in  mind  nor 
perfect  of  body  ;  neither  magistrate,  philosopher, 
nor  benefactor,  he  lives  as  though  he  were 
entitled,  in  his  single  person,  to  the  dignities, 
emoluments,  and  privileges  all  these  combined 
might  be  entitled  to.  He  has  every  advantage 
conceivable;  he  enjoys  every  comfort,  every 
luxury,  every  pleasure.  The  roadways  of  the 
earth  are  open  to  him,  and  he  travels  through 
continents  as  through  his  own  domains.  And 
wealth,  which  is  the  means  of  securing  all  this, 
comes  to  him  without  effort,  physical  or  mental, 
on  his  part ;  it  comes  to  him  as  does  the  sun- 
shine to  the  fields,  as  does  the  dew  to  the 
flowers. 

But  does  not  the  golden  radiance  in  which 
the  fields  bask ;  does  not  the  freshness  which 


OF   THE  AGE.  1 3 

the  flowers  draw  from  the  silvery  dew,  imply 
the  working  of  mighty  forces  in  distant  spheres 
beyond  ?  Is  there  not,  somewhere  in  our  solar 
system — in  the  very  heart  thereof — a  power 
which  toils  to  produce  that  which  the  fields 
and  the  flowers  enjoy  and  profit  by  without 
labor  or  effort  on  their  part  ?  And  so  likewise, 
does  not  the  radiance  in  which  the  Lord  of  the 
Manor  lives;  do  not  the  splendors  and  lavish- 
uess  which  surround  him,  imply  the  working  of 
mighty  forces  somewhere  ?  Some,  surely,  must 
exert  themselves  in  some  quarter  or  other,  to 
obtain  these  results,  for  they  cannot  be  ob- 
tained without  exertions.  Aladdin's  lamp  does 
not  shine  save  in  the  thousand  and  one  nights 
of  the  far  Eastern  skies ;  the  fairy's  wand  does 
not  gratify  extravagant  wishes,  erect  noble 
castles,  and  provide  sumptuous  feasts,  by  its 
mere  waving  in  mortal's  feeble  hand  ;  nor,  how- 
ever favored  the  Lord  of  the  Manor  may  be, 
does  nature,  for  his  benefit,  suspend  her  eternal 
laws,  and  produce  effect  without  cause,  wealth 
without  labor. 

Since,  therefore,  wealth  is  only  produced  and 
maintained  by  toil,  and  since  the  Lord  of  the 
Manor  toils  not,  and  yet  receives  and  spends 
great  wealth,  there  must,  of  necessity,  exist  a 


14  THE  KF.VOLUTIONARY   TENDENCIES 

band  of  hardy  men  who  exert  themselves  to 
produce  and  maintain  this  wealth ;  and  yet 
allow  him,  fortunate  mortal !  to  reap  the  main 
benefits  thereof;  allow  him,  while  they  labor, 
to  spend  his  days  in  indolence — sailing  over 
limpid  waters,  fishing  in  quiet  brooks,  hunting 
in  shady  forests,  travelling  through  distant  lands 
— eating,  drinking,  feasting,  loving — dreaming 
not  of,  caring  not  for,  those  who  weave  for  him 
his  purse  of  Fortunatus. 

In  this  way,  and  in  this  way  alone,  can  we 
account  for  the  otherwise  unaccountable  fact, 
that  the  Lord  of  the  Manor,  passing  his  time  in 
leisure,  enjoys  those  results  which,  it  is  claimed, 
are  the  fruit  of  labor. 

-;^  x-  -x-  *  * 

The  Lord  of  the  Manor  who,  in  common 
parlance,  is  the  opulent  landowner,  is  indebted, 
for  the  advantages  he  enjoys,  to  no  ingenious 
devices.  The  methods  he  employs  are  simple. 
His  land  is  productive ;  but  he  has  such  vast 
fields  it  is  quite  impossible  for  him  to  make 
them  productive  by  his  own  efforts  ;  moreover, 
he  has  no  disposition,  and,  further  still,  there  is 
no  necessity  for  him,  to  do  so.  Favored  among 
other  men  in  being  the  possessor  of  many  acres, 
why   should   he   not   be   still  further  favored 


OF    THE  AGE.  1 5 

among  them,  by  not  having  to  submit  to  the 
same  conditions  as  they  have  to  submit  to — 
work  and  worry  to  live  ? 

In  the  attainment  of  this  end,  circumstances 
favor  him  admirably.  He  and  his  brother  land- 
owners own  so  much  land,  there  is  little  or  none 
left  for  the  remainder  of  humanity.  Men  have 
the  desire  to  live  ;  life,  unfortunately,  is  not 
self-sustaining ;  hence,  to  live,  men  must  culti- 
vate the  soil  and  draw  therefrom  the  wherewith 
to  sustain  life.  Herein  it  is  that  the  Lord  of 
the  Manor  is  master  of  the  situation.  The 
majority  of  men  having  no  land,  and  yet  being 
dependent  thereon  for  their  maintenance,  must 
do  one  of  two  things  :  either  starve  or  appeal  to 
the  owner  that  his  fields  may  be  cultivated  to 
furnish  them  the  necessaries  of  life.  From  this 
there  is  no  escape.  Their  necessities  will  com- 
pel them  to  appeal  to  him,  and  their  necessities 
are  his  opportunity.  He,  not  unwillingly,  grants 
their  request ;  but  on  one  condition  :  the  culti- 
vation of  the  soil  shall  be  considered  a  privilege, 
the  granting  of  which  shall  require  that  the 
cultivator  of  the  land  surrender  to  the  owner 
thereof  a  goodly  portion  of  its  produce,  or  its 
equivalent. 

The  privilege  of  cultivating  the  soil  is  not 


1 6  THE  REVOLUTIONARY    TENDENCIES 

the  only  one  which  the  landowner  has  the 
power  to  grant.  Men  have  not  wings  like  the 
birds ;  nor  have  they  fins  like  the  fish ;  hence 
they  cannot  soar  in  the  air,  nor  dwell  in  the 
water ;  but  must,  perforce,  if  they  live  at  all, 
live  on  the  earth — they  must  occupy  space 
thei-eon  sufficient  to  hold  their  bodies.  But 
since  they  own  no  portion  of  this  earth,  how 
can  they  occupy  any  portion  thereof  without 
infringing  on  the  rights  of  those  who  own  it  ? 
Here,  once  more,  the  landowner  comes  to  the 
rescue.  He,  who  owns  the  land,  will  provide 
sufficient  for  the  mass  of  bodies  which  are  sent 
to  dwell  in  this  world.  Not  only  will  he  pro- 
vide the  land,  but  he  will  draw  from  the  wealth 
accumulated  from  the  rental  of  his  fields,  and 
he  will  build  houses  in  the  cities ;  and  there 
will  the  multitudes  find  a  place  of  rest,  a  place 
of  shelter — but  always  on  the  same  condition 
as  imposed  on  those  who  cultivate  the  soil :  the 
privilege  granted  must  be  paid  for  in  the  shape 
of  rent. 

Thus  it  is  clear  that  to  occupy  space  on  this 
earth  sufficient  to  domicile  the  body ;  to  draw 
from  this  earth  the  produce  necessary  to  sustain 
life,  is,  to  vast  numbers,  a  privilege,  not  inher- 
ent  to  them   as   men,   as   inhabitants  of  this 


OF   THE  AGE.  1/ 

planet;  not  dispensed  to  them  by  the  ruling 
powers  of  the  universe;  not  granted  to  them 
by  the  government,  the  laws  of  men  ;  but  ac- 
corded them  by  certain  individual  members  of 
the  race,  who  demand,  and  obtain  in  exchange 
therefor,  a  tribute,  known  as  rent. 

Rent,  to  be  paid — and  its  payment  is  manda- 
tory— must  be  earned ;  to  be  earned  implies 
labor ;  and  it  is  for  the  payment  of  rent,  in  its 
various  forms,  that  multitudes  toil.  The  fruit 
of  this  toil  constitutes  the  revenue  of  the  Lord 
of  the  Manor;  and  the  extent  of  this  revenue 
determines  the  size  and  the  magnificence  of  his 
mansions,  the  number  of  persons  who  compose 
his  retinue,  the  abundance  and  delicacy  of  his 
table,  the  luxury  of  his  surroundings,  the  power 
he  controls,  the  position  he  occupies  in  life. 

This,  then,  is  the  condition  of  things :  men 
are  launched  into  this  world  in  large,  in  ever 
increasing  numbers  ;  men  have  necessities — the 
two  most  essential  of  which  are  space  to  hold, 
and  food  to  sustain,  their  bodies.  The  Lord  of 
the  Manor,  and  his  class,  being  possessed  of  the 
surface  of  the  earth,  are  therefore  possessed  of 
that  which,  alone,  can  satisfy  these  require- 
ments; they  hold  in  their  hands  the  granting 
of  that  without  which  life  would  be  impossible ; 


l8  THE  REVOLUTIONARY    TENDENCIES 

and  they  grant  tbis  to  the  multitudes  only  on 
condition  of  the  payment  of  tribute — tribute 
sufficient  to  enable  them  to  satisf}^,  without  la- 
bor on  their  part,  not  only  their  necessities,  but 
any  desire,  any  whim,  their  fancy  may  suggest. 
*  *  -x-  *  * 

The  Lord  of  the  Manor  is  not  the  sole  bene- 
ficiary in  this  admirable  scheme  of  tribute-levy- 
ing. He  has  associates  who  share,  in  a  more  or 
less  degree,  and  with  slight  variations,  the  same 
conditions  of  life  which  he  enjoys. 

While  a  certain  portion,  however  small,  of 
this  earth  is  essential  as  a  domicile  for  each  in- 
habitant thereof ;  while  a  certain  amount  of  food 
is  necessary  to  sustain  him,  there  are  other  things 
which,  in  the  civilized  state,  are  required  by 
man.  These  are  the  products  of  nature  in  a 
form  other  than  the  raw  material.  Some  are 
converted  into  raiment  to  cover  the  human 
body  ;  others  into  a  more  wholesome  and  agree- 
able substance  for  consumption.  The  conver- 
sion of  these  into  their  new  forms,  and  their 
distribution  to  the  masses  who  required  them, 
was  not  to  be  a  philanthropic  operation.  To 
trace  the  history  of  this  operation  is  to  trace 
the  origin  and  the  development  of  the  manu- 
facturer and  the  merchant,  who  play  such  an 


OF   THE  AGE.  1 9 

important  part  in  our  day.  The  first  took 
charge  of  those  products  which  either  had  to  be 
prepared  before  being  consumed,  or  had  to  be 
manufactured  before  they  could  be  worn ;  the 
second  undertook  the  distribution  of  all  these. 
Both  had  in  view  the  disposing  of  same  at  a 
profit. 

As  population  increased  and,  in  consequence, 
as  the  demand  for  the  means  of  subsistence 
augmented;  as  science  progressed  and  made 
new  discoveries  in  the  methods  of  extracting 
the  produce  and  of  converting  it  into  the  forms 
necessary  for  consumption  or  for  wear ;  as  new 
and  more  rapid  means  of  transportation  and 
distribution  were  put  in  operation,  the  manu- 
facturer and  the  merchant  were  enabled  to 
handle  and  control  ever  increasing  quantities  of 
material.  The  more  they  handled  and  con- 
trolled, the  greater  the  profits  they  realized. 
These  profits  accumulating,  soon  gave  them 
wealth  beyond  their  necessities.  The  owner- 
ship of  this  accumulated  wealth  was  one  of  the 
causes  which  brought  into  existence  the  class 
known  as  capitalists — money-kings — who,  hav- 
ing acquired,  by  means  of  profit  in  dealing  in 
the  produce  of  the  soil,  riches  as  considerable  as 
those  acquired  by  means  of  rent,  by  the  owners 


20  THE  REVOLUTIONARY   TENDENCIES 

of  the  soil,  were  destined  to  become  powerful 
rivals  of  the  latter. 

The  money-king,  with  his  capital,  found  him- 
self in  the  same  position  as  the  Lord  of  the 
Manor  with  his  land  ;  he  had  more  than  he  re- 
quired for  his  personal  use.  But  this,  far  from 
being  an  incumbrance,  reHeved  him,  on  the 
contraiy,  of  an  infinity  of  anxieties;  above  all, 
it  relieved  him  of  the  necessity  to  labor. 

Men  must  have  money ;  for  under  the  com. 
plex  system  which  the  needs  of  society  gradu- 
ally developed,  money  became  essential  in  the 
transactions  of  life,  in  the  production,  and 
more  especially  in  the  exchange,  of  the  neces- 
saries of  life ;  and  there  is,  in  consequence, 
a  constant  demand,  an  endless  striving,  for  it. 
Not  only  this,  but  no  property  can  be  acquired, 
no  edifice  erected,  no  enterprise  inaugurated, 
without  its  assistance.  Men,  therefore,  requir- 
ing money,  to  whom  should  they  naturally  go, 
to  satisfy  this  need,  but  to  him  who  has  more 
than  he  himself  requires  ? 

The  money-king  thus  becomes  a  personage  of 
note,  wielding  immense  power.  He  takes  his 
place  by  the  side  of  the  Lord  of  the  Manor ;  and 
as  though  it  were  the  result  of  association,  he 
adopts  the  methods  employed   by   the  latter. 


OF   THE  AGE.  21 

Having  taken  due  precaution  for  its  protection 
and  return,  he  lends  the  capital  of  which  he 
has  surfeit  and  which  he,  personally,  cannot 
employ.  As  for  the  use  of  land,  tribute  is 
paid  to  the  one,  in  the  form  of  rent ;  so  for  the 
use  of  gold,  tribute  is  paid  to  the  other,  in  the 
form  of  interest. 

Interest  has  to  be  paid,  as  has  rent — and  its 
payment  is  no  less  inexorable ;  to  be  paid,  it 
must  be  earned ;  to  be  earned  implies  labor. 
Thus  labor  becomes  instrumental  in  making 
capital,  as  well  as  land,  productive,  and  in  fur- 
nishing revenues  to  their  respective  owners. 

*  *  *  -Sfr  •x- 

The  field  continuing  to  prove  an  attractive 
and  lucrative  one,  there  still  remained  mer- 
chants, manufacturers,  and  others  who,  each  in 
his  sphere,  continued  their  occupations — not, 
however,  without  casting  an  envious  eye  on 
their  fortunate  brothers  who  had  been  crowned 
money -kings.  This  eye  was  not  solely  envious, 
it  was  discerning.  They  admired  the  methods 
of  the  great  landowner,  of  the  successful  capi- 
talist, and  took  note  of  the  results.  Not  only 
they  admired  these  methods  but — imitation 
being  the  highest  form  of  flattery — they  were 
tempted  to  imitate  them.     Since  the  multitudes 


22  THE  REVOLUTIONARY   TENDENCIES 

seemed  disposed  to  toil  to  support  the  few  in 
leisure,  wliy  should  not  the  merchant  prince, 
and  for  that  matter  all  industrial  princes,  join 
the  royal  circle,  and  wear  crowns  of  their  own  ? 
Moreover,  their  undertakings  had  become  so 
stupendous,  and  their  management  so  onerous, 
that  while  clinging  to  the  profits,  they  became 
more  and  more  anxious  to  be  relieved  of  the 
anxiety  and  labors  which  the  superintendence 
of  their  affairs  and  the  amassing  of  their  wealth 
entailed.  Furthermore,  was  not  expansion, 
the  exploitation  of  vaster  fields,  the  crushing 
out  of  petty  rivals — who,  like  flies  tormenting 
lions,  were  a  source  of  discomfort  and  annoy- 
ance— a  consummation  to  be  desired ;  one  likely 
to  result  in  greater  profits  ?  More  capital  might 
be  required — but  were  not  the  allurements 
offered  overwhelming  ?  The  joint-stock  com- 
pany— an  impersonal,  a  soulless  corporation — 
was  conceived  ;  it  took  its  place  among  the 
realities  of  the  world  ;  it  was  destined  to  de- 
velop, to  find  favor,  to  become  a  powerful  fac- 
tor in  the  affaii-s  of  men.  By  its  operation,  the 
merchant-prince,  as  well  as  all  others  who,  by 
whatsoever  means,  have  accumulated  riches, 
are  accorded  the  most  coveted  of  privileges. 
Leaving  responsibility  and   the  supervision   of 


OF    THE  AGE.  23 

operations  to  managers  and  subordinates,  they 
gather  in  profits  as  the  Lord  of  the  Manor 
gathers  in  rents,  as  the  money-king  gathers  in 
interest — all  of  which  helps  increase  the  stock 
of  wealth,  for  the  comfort  and  glory  of  the 
elect  of  Fortune. 

Thus  the  example  first  set  by  the  Lord  of  the 
Manor — the  example  which  awakened  the  envy 
and  stimulated  the  ambition  of  many — came  to 
be  successfully  followed  by  the  money-king  and 
the  merchant  prince,  and  other  children  of  Mam- 
mon who  constitute  that  galaxy  of  fortunate 
mortals  who  live  without  work  when  all  others 
must  work  to  live ;  who  enjoy  the  fruits  of 
labor  without  the  fatigues  of  labor ;  to  whom 
the  ownership,  the  sovereignty  of  this  world  is 
accorded  as  though  it  were  their  natural,  their 
legitimate  due.  Thus  the  surface  of  this  earth 
is  possessed  by  one  class;  its  produce  is  con- 
trolled by  another;  and  although  these  two 
combined  constitute  but  a  small  proportion  of 
the  race,  all  the  forces  of  humanity  are  put  into 
operation  to  render  this  planet — called  man's — 
a  fair,  an  attractive  abode,  wherein  they  may 
spend  their  days  in  pleasure  and  leisure. 


24  THE  REVOLUTIONARY   TENDENCIES 


CHAPTEK    III. 

AN     INQUIRY    INTO    THE    CAUSE    OF   THE    EXISTING 
STATE    OF    THINGS. 

NATURE  has  allotted  this  earth,  with  all 
its  luxuriance,  its  richness,  its  verdure, 
its  variety  and  charm  of  scenery,  to  man,  as  an 
abode ;  but  she  has  imposed,  as  a  condition  of 
his  tenancy,  the  payment  of  a  tribute — call  it 
rent,  if  you  will — failing  which,  death  is  the 
penalty.     This  tribute  is  Labor. 

There  is  nothing  more  evident  than  that  to 
maintain  itself  on  this  globe,  mankind  must 
work.  It  is  an  edict  of  the  Universal  Power 
from  which  the  race,  as  a  whole,  cannot  escape. 
Nor  is  the  opportunity  furnished  to  forget  the 
inexorableness  of  this  edict.  Multitudes  toil  to 
extract  nourishment  from  the  earth  to  feed  hu- 
manity, and  nourishment  being  consumed  as  it 
is  extracted,  multitudes  continue  to  toil  to  ex- 
tract more,  and  this  again  is  consumed.  As  it 
is  mth  food,  so  is  it  with  raiment.  Millions  of 
hands  work  to  clothe  the  race,  but  raiment,  like 


OF   THE  AGE.  2$ 

food,  though  in  a  minor  degree,  must  be  re- 
newed. So,  likewise,  must  the  race  be  sheltered 
— and  though  man  build  his  home  of  rock, 
time  will  compel  him  to  repair  the  damages 
which  the  hand  of  Nature  has  inflicted.  Air, 
fire,  water,  and  the  needs  of  existence  constitute 
eternal  elements  of  destruction  and  consump- 
tion, which  demand  eternal  labor  to  restore  and 
to  reproduce  what  is  being  destroyed  and  con- 
sumed. Were  the  army  of  workers  to  cease 
their  efforts  for  a  single  year,  countless  num- 
bers would  suffer ;  were  they  to  desist  for  a 
decade,  the  race  would  perish  or  be  reduced  to 
the  savage  state. 

Without  labor,  humanity  would  be  bread 
less ;  without  labor,  humanity  would  be  clothe 
less  ;  without  labor,  humanity  would  be  roofless 
Unless  cultivated,  the  richest  soil  remains  un 
productive ;  unless  manipulated,  the  finest  ma 
terials  remain  unwoven;  unless  disturbed  by 
mighty  forces,  the  quarries  of  the  mountains, 
from  which  our  palatial  structures  are  built, 
would  slumber  in  their  recesses.  Nineveh  and 
its  splendors,  Babylon  and  its  suspended  gar- 
dens, Athens  and  its  temples,  Rome  and  its 
memory-inspiring  monuments,  Byzance  and  its 
domes  and  minarets — all  the  proud  cities  of  this 


26  THE  REVOLUTIONARY   TENDENCIES 

world  were  raised  from  the  earth  by  the  hand 
of  Labor.  The  tapestries  which  adorn  ancestral 
halls,  the  canvases  on  which  the  painter's  art 
breathes  life,  the  marble  to  which  the  sculptor's 
chisel  has  given  human  form,  are  the  children 
of  Labor.  The  strides  of  civilization,  the  light 
of  science,  the  course  of  progress ;  wealth,  art, 
and  all  the  marvellous  machinery  which  throbs 
and  pants  like  living  beings,  can  be  traced  to 
Labor. 

The  world  is,  and  must  remain,  a  vast  work- 
shop. All  nature  toils ;  the  universe  is  em- 
blematic of  action  ;  action  is  emblematic  of  life, 
of  power ;  and  yet  there  are  men  who  deem 
toil  debasing ;  who  boast  of  never  having  toiled  ! 
There  are  men  who,  by  some  strange  dispensa- 
tion, are  exempt  from  work ;  and,  stranger  still, 
the  multitudes,  who  feed,  who  clothe,  who  pro- 
vide shelter  for  mankind,  allow  those  who  are 
indolent  to  enjoy  the  richest  results  of  labor ; 
they  allow  them  to  sit  at  the  banquet  of  life  and 
partake  of  its  plenteousness,  while  they,  sons  of 
toil,  are  awarded  the  crumbs. 

On  what  grounds,  it  may  be  asked,  does  the 
human  race,  which  holds  its  lease  of  this  earth 
direct  from  Nature,  and  pays  to  her  the  tribute 
— the  rent — she  demands,  pay,  in  addition  to 


OF   THE  AGE.  2/ 

this,  tribute  to  certain  individuals  of  the  race, 
without  due  consideration,  without  good  and 
valid  cause  ?  Are  these  certain  individuals  the 
rightful  owners  of  this  earth;  are  they  the 
anointed  masters  of  men ;  are  they  the  superi- 
ors of  their  fellows — the  lights  of  mind,  the 
giants  of  body  ?  Do  they  hold  from  Nature  the 
exclusive  power  to  share  in  her  rights  and  par- 
take of  her  tribute  %  If  not,  how  come  they  to 
be  possessed  of  this  fair  earth ;  how  come  they 
to  control  the  produce  of  the  earth ;  how  come 
they  to  be  exempt  from  labor  and  yet  to  enjoy 
the  best  this  earth  affords ;  how,  above  all, 
come  they  to  hold  the  vast  multitudes  who  in- 
habit this  earth,  in  subjection  to  their  will  and 
pleasure  ? 

This  they  do ;  and  for  this  there  must  be 
some  great,  some  prevailing,  cause. 

*  •»  *  -JC-  * 

If  the  mass  of  men,  representing  the  larger  and 
more  powerful  interest,  took  possession  of  this 
planet,  controlled  its  destinies,  claimed  the  best 
and  the  fairest  as  their  share,  and  held  the  few 
in  subjection  to  their  will  and  pleasure,  there 
would  be  no  problem  to  solve;  the  cause  of 
such  a  condition  of  things  would  be  apparent 
to  all.     But  there  is  a  problem  to  solve,  a  cause 


28  THE  REVOLUTIONARY   TENDENCIES 

to  detect,  when  the  reverse  of  this  prevails — 
as  does  prevail  on  our  globe. 

Casting  our  eyes  over  the  face  of  the  earth, 
and  contemplating  productive  labor  associated 
with  poverty,  and  non-productive  idleness  as- 
sociated with  wealth,  we  are  led  to  inquire  how 
this  state  of  things,  so  detrimental  to  the  wel- 
fare of  the  larger  and  more  powerful  portion  of 
the  race,  originated  in  the  past  and  was  perpet- 
uated, through  the  centuries,  to  the  present  day. 
We  would  know  why  it  is  the  many  have  sub- 
mitted to  the  few,  the  strong  to  the  weak ;  why 
those  who  cultivated  the  soil  and  drew  there- 
from all  its  variety  of  nourishment,  fed  on  crusts, 
while  the  indolent  had  surfeit  of  its  choicest 
fruit ;  why  those  who  weaved  the  finest  cloths 
were  draped  in  rags,  while  rich  purple  hung  on 
idle  shoulders ;  why  those  who,  with  the  rough 
material  of  the  quarries,  built  majestic  palaces, 
lived  in  huts,  while  those  who  could  not  hew  a 
stone,  dwelt  in  palaces. 

One  class,  not  producing  wealth,  could  not, 
on  the  general  ground  of  equity,  claim  the 
wealth  which  another  class  produced.  Hence, 
from  this  standpoint,  it  does  not  appear  that 
the  leisure  element  had  right  on  their  side.  Nor 
had  they  might.  The  laboring  element  was, 
by  far,  superior  in  numbers  and  in   strength. 


OF   THE  AGE.  29 

There  was,  so  far  as  the  eye  could  discern,  no 
edict  of  nature,  no  law  of  man,  to  enforce  this 
state  of  things.  Yet  the  many,  apparently  hav- 
ing right  on  their  side,  and  certainly  having 
might,  submitted  to  it  as  though  they  deemed 
all  the  powers  of  heaven  and  earth  combined  to 
insist  on  its  enforcement.  Surely  for  this  there 
must  have  been  a  cause — a  great,  prevailing, 
cause.  Nor  is  it  a  weighty  task,  requiring 
elaborate  search,  to  discern  this  cause.  Those 
who  have  the  appearance  of  right  to  animate 
them ;  those  who  have  power  to  sustain  them, 
and  yet  fail  to  use  their  power  to  enforce  their 
right,  must  be  slaves  to  Ignorance. 

As  man's  superior  intelligence  places  him 
above,  and  gives  him  dominion  over  all  other  liv- 
ing things;  as  it  allows  him  to  harness  the 
physically  more  powerful  ox  and  horse  to  his 
purpose ;  and,  more  than  this,  as  it  enables  him 
to  discover  and  control  the  blind  forces  of  nature, 
and  use  them  for  his  benefit ;  so,  likewise,  when 
various  bodies  of  men  crystallized  into  the  social 
state,  those  who  had  superior  intelligence  rose 
above,  and  held  sway  over,  the  ignorant ;  they 
harnessed  them,  as  they  harnessed  the  ox  and 
the  horse,  for  their  purpose,  and  used  them,  as 
they  used  all  else,  for  their  benefit. 

Herein  can  we  detect  and  trace  the  origin  of 


30  THE  REVOLUTIONARY   TENDENCIES 

the  subserviency  of  the  many,  in  whom  the  intel- 
lectual development  was  small,  to  the  few,  in 
whom  the  intellectual  development  was  rela- 
tively large.  It  is  owing  to  this  that  some  rose 
hisfher  than  others,  mastered  and  controlled 
them,  and  used  them  for  their  own  advantage  ;  it 
was  due  to  their  ignorance  that  the  multitudes 
cultivated  the  earth  and  allowed  the  choicest 
fruit  to  those  who  cultivated  it  not ;  that  they 
weaved  the  finest  cloths  and  yet  were  draped 
in  rags ;  built  palaces,  and  yet  dwelt  in  huts. 
***** 

To  wander  back,  through  the  labyrinth  of 
centuries,  into  the  darkness  of  the  Past,  for  the 
purpose  of  measuring  the  density  of  that  dark- 
ness, were  indeed  an  undertaking  in  which  to 
lose  one's  self  would  be  inevitable,  were  it  not 
that  we  are  enabled  to  borrow  from  the  Present 
certain  signs  which  may  serve  as  guide-posts ; 
also  light,  which  will  render  our  path  less  diffi- 
cult. 

If  printing,  that  simplest,  yet  grandest,  of 
inventions,  was  instrumental  in  facilitating  the 
spread  of  thought,  in  awakening  discussion,  in 
stimulating  learning,  in  diffusing  knowledge; 
if  steam,  with  its  marvellous  propelling  power, 
has  rendered  travelling  more  easy  and  rapid  and, 


OF   THE  AGE.  3 1 

in  consequence,  brought  the  mental  advantages 
which  observation  and  personal  contact  with 
various  races  and  their  customs  afford,  within 
the  reach  of  greater  numbers ;  if  electricity, 
with  its  instantaneous  flash,  communicates  to 
the  entire  world  the  course  of  events  in  every 
portion  thereof ;  if  it  makes  known  the  theories 
of  philosophers,  the  discoveries  of  scientists,  the 
speeches  of  statesmen,  the  doings  of  govern- 
ments, and  places  before  each  man,  in  every 
corner  of  the  globe,  a  succinct  universal  history 
of  the  previous  day ;  if,  under  such  favorable 
circumstances  as  these,  ignorance  is  still  to  be 
met  with  ;  if,  in  the  enlightened  times  in  which 
we  live,  ignorance  is,  in  some  quarters,  still 
dense ;  what,  we  may  ask,  must  it  not  have 
been  ere  the  beneficial  uses  of  printing,  steam, 
and  electricity  were  revealed  to  man  ?  What 
must  it  not  have  been  when  the  population  of 
this  globe  was  subdivided  into  small  groups 
of  men — without  a  single  book  among  them ; 
perhaps  not  a  single  wise  man  among  them — 
interested  only  in  the  daily  humdrum  of  their 
own  monotonous  life ;  unaware  of  the  doings, 
yes,  of  the  very  existence  of  the  vast  world 
around  and  beyond  them ;  little  to  discuss,  less 
to  speculate  on,  nothing  tangible  to  hope  for  • 


32  THE  REVOLUTIONARY   TENDENCIES 

lying  prostrate  before  idols  their  own  hands  had 
wrought ;  reverencing,  in  solemn  manner,  the 
beasts  of  the  earth,  then  worshipping  with  ard- 
ent soul  the  fire  of  heaven  ?  Unclean,  untutored, 
unspeakably  ignorant — ignorant  of  all  which  we, 
to-day,  have  knowledge  of ;  living  in  ages — dark 
ages — wherein  it  is  difficult  to  imagine  even  the 
reflected  light  of  the  sun  as  shining  on  the 
gloomy  abode  of  man — these  primitive  mortals, 
these  argonauts  of  Humanity,  turning  their 
longing  eyes  to  the  firmament  above,  may  have 
dreamt  of  immortality ;  but,  while  mortal,  they 
were  like  the  brutes  who  contested  with  them 
the  mastership  of  this  earth — unconscious  of 
the  true  nature  of  their  surroundings  ;  satisfying 
their  material  appetites  as  best  they  could, 
while  their  intellects  were  undeveloped,  inert, 
enshrouded — but,  fortunately,  not  dead. 
*  -jfr  *  *  * 

Let  us  invoke  Fancy — which,  though  never 
ranked  among  the  many  gods  to  whom  the  hu- 
man knee  has  bent,  has  the  power  of  creating, 
destroying,  or  altering  all  things  at  will — and 
picture  to  ourselves  this  fair  earth  of  man,  embel- 
lished as  we  see  it  to-day,  with  its  verdant 
fields,  its  luxuriant  gardens,  its  hamlets,  vil- 
lages and  cities,  its  noble  structures  and  majestic 


OF    THE  AGE.  33 

palaces,  revolving  through  space — a  silent,  de- 
serted planet.  No,  neither  silent  nor  deserted. 
The  song  of  the  bird  in  the  forest,  the  roar  of 
the  lion  in  the  desert,  the  soft  music  of  the 
rippling  streams,  the  mournful  sounds  of  the 
rolling  waves,  are  still  heard  as  of  yore ;  but 
the  voice  of  man  is  hushed,  his  race  is  extinct. 
With  man  has  vanished  his  laws  and  his  tradi- 
tions. 

Having  destroyed  the  old,  let  Fancy  picture 
the  creation  of  a  new  race,  similar  to  the  one 
that  is  gone,  save  that  all  its  members  are 
equally  enlightened,  and  free  from  the  thraldom 
of  custom  which,  tyrant-like,  imposes  itself  as  a 
second  nature  on  all  who  come  within  its  reach. 

Were  it  not  useless  to  ask,  unless  indeed 
offence  to  reason  were  intended,  whether,  in 
disposing  of  that  which  they  found  on  this 
earth,  and  which  seemed  to  correspond  with 
their  wants,  these  newly-arrived  mortals  would 
allot  that  which  is  most  desired  by  all  to  a 
privileged  few,  for  all  time,  while  the  multitudes 
would  not  only  be  given  that  which  is  least  de- 
sirable, but  would  be  compelled  to  toil,  so  that 
their  favored  companions  might  be  maintained 
in  a  state  of  repose  and  luxury?  If,  instead  of 
universal  peace  and  happiness,  the  end  aimed  at 


34  THE  REVOLUTIONARY   TENDENCIES 

were  general  turmoil  and  discontent,  and  all  the 
evils  which  these  engender,  such  a  course  would 
be  wisely  pursued  and  the  contemplated  result 
unavoidably  attained.  Not  the  forbidden  apple 
of  Eden,  but  the  golden  apple  of  Discord  would 
introduce  sin  and  calamity  to  the  unfortunate 
race,  while  Iniquity,  usurping  the  throne  of 
Justice,  would  drive  Harmony  far  from  the 
haunts  of  men. 

Who,  among  these  new  lords  of  creation, 
would  be  so  bold  as  to  suggest  so  perilous  a 
course,  with  no  custom  to  serve  as  guide,  no  pre- 
cedent to  point  to  as  authority?  What  man, 
no  matter  what  his  greed,  his  arrogance,  would 
venture  to  seize  upon  more  than  he  could  use, 
while  his  companions  had  less  than  they  needed  ? 

On  what  grounds,  these  would  ask,  do  you 
propose  disposing  of  things  as  though  we  were 
of  a  different  race,  and  as  such  should  submit 
to  different  conditions  ?  Why  should  you,  who 
have  but  one  body  to  feed,  one  body  to  clothe, 
one  body  to  shelter,  claim  numerous  loaves,  nu- 
merous garments,  numerous  houses,  while  we, 
with  many  bodies,  are  exposed  to  hunger,  to  the 
chill  of  the  night  and  the  rigors  of  the  storm  ?  If 
we  were  destined  to  eat  less  than  you,  surely 
our  capacity  for  food  would  be  less ;  if  it  were 


OF   THE  AGE.  35 

ordained  that  we  required  less  shelter  and  fewer 
garments  than  you,  there  would  be  distinguish- 
ing signs  to  indicate  this  fact.  If  the  discerning 
power  which  gave  four  legs  to  the  horse,  that 
he  might  travel  long  distances,  and  mighty 
wings  to  the  eagle,  that  he  might  reach  high 
altitudes,  had  intended  that  we  should  toil, 
while  you  indulged  in  leisure,  would  it  not  have 
given  us  more  feet,  more  hands,  more  strength, 
than  to  you  ?  Nature  has  not  overlooked  the 
requirements  of  animals  ;  nor  has  she  been  blind 
to  those  of  men.  Why,  then,  should  the  greed 
of  the  few  be  allowed  to  interfere  with  her  pro- 
visions for  all  ?  Why  should  you  claim  the 
lion's  share,  while  we  are  condemned,  like  curs, 
to  wander  in  search  of  bones  ?  If  reason  and 
equity  are  to  be  ignored,  and  physical  strength 
is  to  be  the  test,  why  should  not  we,  the  more 
powerful  of  mankind,  secure  the  coveted  prey, 
as  do  the  more  powerful  beasts  ? 

But  Fancy,  however  subtle  its  tricks,  however 
potent  its  sway  in  the  realms  of  Fiction,  must, 
perforce,  retreat  when  confronted  by  Reality. 

The  race  which  first  inhabited  this  earth, 
though  superior  in  intelligence  to  all  else  living 
thereon,  was  an  infant,  and  consequently  an 
untutored,  race.     Hence  there  was  no  equitable 


36  THE  REVOLUTIONARY   TENDENCIES 

allotment  of  what  was  found  on  this  earth. 
There  was  no  division  having  for  object  the  en- 
couragement, the  development,  of  energy,  indus- 
try, and  genius.  There  was  not,  for  obvious 
reasons,  any  system,  based  on  social  experience, 
tending  toward  the  general  welfare.  There 
were  no  guiding  stars,  no  benevolent  spirits,  to 
indicate  the  course  men  should  pursue;  to 
direct  them  in  their  intercourse  with  each  other ; 
to  assist  them  in  laying  the  foundations  of  a 
social  structure,  which  should  offer  shelter  and 
protection  to  all. 

The  earth  had  sprung  from  the  womb  of  chaos, 
and  there  was  yet  much  of  chaos  clinging  to 
the  earth.  Order  and  harmony  were  yet  to  come 
forth  to  perform  their  duties  toward  the  new- 
born race,  and  assist  in  its  nursing,  education, 
and  final  development.  Things  were  left  to 
shift  for  themselves;  and  men  roamed  about, 
as  did  the  beasts  of  the  fields,  attracted  here 
and  there  by  such  products  as  nature  offered 
freely  to  satisfy  their  necessities,  and  maintain 
their  existence. 

But,  as  the  child  is  gradually  weaned  from 
his  mother's  breast,  and  must,  in  the  course  of 
time,  depend  on  his  own  efforts  to  secure  nu- 
trition, so  the  human  race  was  gradually  weaned 


OF   THE  AGE.  37 

from  the  nourishment  which  mother  earth  offered 
spontaneously.  The  land  had  to  be  cultivated, 
and  the  food  to  sustain  man  drawn  therefrom 
by  man's  own  exertions.  The  shelter  which  the 
forest  trees  afforded  was  doomed  to  prove  insuf- 
ficient, and  the  skins  of  animals,  which  covered 
the  body,  to  be  cast  aside  for  less  primitive  gar- 
ments. New  energies  were  called  into  play ; 
also  new  faculties ;  all  tending  to  the  arous- 
ing, the  development  of  intelligence.  Those 
whose  minds  were  most  active,  most  receptive, 
most  inventive;  those  who  had  the  gift  of 
initiative,  were  destined,  at  that  early  period,  to 
lead  the  others,  and  eventually  to  master  them. 
What  wonder,  then,  that,  proving  themselves 
more  capable  than  their  fellow-men,  they  should 
have  claimed  advantages  over  them  ?  What 
wonder,  as  centuries  elapsed,  and  order  and  har- 
mony began  to  conquer  the  lingering  elements 
of  chaos,  and  force  mankind  to  adopt  the  social 
state,  that  those  among  them  who  could  step 
forth  with  the  mark  of  superiority  on  their 
brows,  the  evidence  of  superiority  in  their 
thoughts  and  in  their  deeds,  the  facility  of  ex- 
pression, and  the  power  of  argument,  on  their 
lips,  should  have  been  accorded  leadership; 
should  have  claimed  more  loaves,  more  garments, 


428987 


38  THE  REVOLUTIONARY    TENDENCIES 

more  houses,  than  those  whose  inferiority  of 
miud  required  that  they  should  be  guided  and 
commanded — that  they  should  follow  and  obey  ? 
Nor  does  it  appear  that  the  latter,  in  accepting 
these  conditions,  considered  that  a  wrong  was 
being  done  them.  Oppression  will  drive  even 
the  weak  to  resist  the  strong.  It  is,  therefore, 
not  probable  that  a  conscious  injustice  would 
have  been  long  tolerated  by  a  large  body  of 
men  capable  of  crushing  those  who  inflicted  it. 
Moreover,  the  advantages  of  wealth  and  of 
power  were  ever  before  their  eyes,  and  unless 
so  blinded  as  not  to  see  them,  the  incentive  to 
acquire  these  advantages  was  not  missing. 
Hence,  they  had  power ;  they  had  incentive  ; 
yet  they  failed  to  use  their  power,  and  the 
incentive  failed  to  move  them. 

Is  it  not  safe  to  conclude,  under  these  circum- 
stances, that  the  early  submission  of  the  majority, 
as  a  hody^  to  the  minority,  is  irrefutable  evi- 
dence of  mental  inferiority  on  the  part  of  the 
former ;  that  if  there  was  not  an  equal  division 
of  the  wealth  of  the  world,  it  was  because  there 
was  a  natural  inequality  between  men,  which 
justified  the  unequal  division ;  that  while — 
owing  to  the  subsequent  introduction  of  arbi- 
trary laws  tending  to  maintain  the  status  quOj 


OF   THE  AGE.  39 

and  exclude  new-comers — intelligence  did  not 
always  succeed  in  rising  to  the  surface,  igno- 
I'ance,  with  rare  exceptions,  was  a  heavy  weight 
which  kept  its  unfortunate  victims  in  the  lower 
levels  of  life  ? 


40  THE  REVOLUTIONARY   TENDENCIES 


CHAPTER  IV. 

THE    DIFFUSION     OF     KNOWLEDGE     AND     THE 
REVOLUTION    IT    IS    PRODUCING. 

AS  we  contemplate  the  history  of  the  Past, 
the  almost  interminable  vista  of  dark- 
ness, during  which  the  mass  of  men  seemed  to 
slumber,  is  not  the  only  one  which  arrests  our 
attention.  There  flashed,  now  and  anon,  across 
the  sombre  firmament  of  Ignorance,  a  genius 
who,  like  a  meteor  shooting  through  space,  left 
a  trace  of  radiance  in  his  wake.  There  arose, 
from  among  the  multitudes,  students  and  phi- 
losophers, scientists  and  dreamers,  striving  for 
knowledge,  panting  for  truth.  But  their  soar- 
ing minds  dwelt  mainly  among  the  stars,  or 
contemplated  the  mysteries  of  Fate  and  the 
blind  forces  of  nature  far  more  seriously  and 
assiduously  than  they  did  the  physical  powers, 
and  the  legitimate  aspirations,  of  man.  They 
advanced  theories,  claimed  principles,  built  sys- 
tems, which  they  deemed  eternal,  and  which 


OF   THE  AGE.  4 1 

subsequent  generations  saw  levelled  to  the 
ground  and  scattered  to  the  winds.  Once  in  a 
while,  fragments  of  the  whole  remained,  and 
helped  increase  the  small  store  of  positive 
knowledge ;  but  how  infinitesimal  was  this 
when  compared  with  the  mass  of  fiction,  of 
falsehood,  of  superstition — piled  heaven-high — 
the  accumulations  of  ages  of  ignorance  ! 

The  students,  the  philosophers,  the  scientists, 
the  dreamers,  were  few,  while  those  whose 
minds  were  inert  were  numerous.  Scarcely  did 
these  hear  the  sounds  which  emanated  from  the 
elevated  regions  of  Intellect;  and  those  who 
did,  grasped  not  their  meaning ;  and,  slaves  to 
custom,  they  kept  plodding  on  their  weary 
way,  as  they  had  plodded  for  centuries  past. 

Thus  while  a  small  band — stimulated  by  a 
hidden  power,  which  seemed  to  urge  them  on ; 
and  often  receiving,  as  sole  reward  for  their 
labors,  the  smile  of  the  great  and  the  patroniz- 
ing favors  of  those  who  shared  in  the  division 
of  the  good  and  the  fair  things  of  life — were 
striving  to  make  advances  in  the  intellectual 
world,  the  mental,  as  well  as  the  material,  con- 
dition of  the  masses  remained  unaltered.  Pro- 
gress, however  small,  however  slow,  was  made, 
or  attempted,  in  every  science,  save  in  that  one 


42  THE  REVOLUTIONARY    TENDENCIES 

whicli  concerned  the  sjeneral  welfare  of  the 
race. 

True,  an  occasional  voice  was  heard,  a  daring 
hand  was  raised,  in  the  endeavor  to  arouse  the 
multitudes  from  their  lethargy  and  to  improve 
their  condition  ;  but  the  impulse  had  not  fully 
matured  ;  development  was  incomplete,  and  the 
efforts,  crushed  in  their  infancy,  were  unpro- 
ductive of  results. 

Similar,  however,  to  Nature's  mighty,  though 
silent,  operations,  marvellous  things  were  being 
prepared  by  unseen,  unheard,  human  forces. 
The  time  came  when  phenomena,  unprecedented 
and  full  of  meaning,  began  to  manifest  them- 
selves. The  stagnancy  of  centuries  was  dis- 
turbed ;  mental  activity  became  prevalent ;  ex- 
pectancy beat  in  every  pulse ;  hope  swelled  in 
every  breast.  All  eyes  wandered  to  the  horizon, 
as  though  in  search  of  something  that  must  soon 
appear,  and  lo !  a  rising  orb  was  seen  to  drive 
the  shades  of  night  from  the  long-darkened  fir- 
mament; an  unknown  light  spread  over  the 
face  of  the  earth,  penetrated  the  souls  of  men, 
and  gave  new  color  to  all  things.  A  cycle  was 
completed,  and  evolution  made  a  step  forward 
in  its  mysterious  course.  A  new  day  was  born 
for  Humanity.     An  epoch  was  at  hand  wherein 


OF   THE  AGE.  43 

memorable  events  were  to  be  recorded  in  the 
annals  of  Time ;  for  the  sun  of  Knowledge  had 
risen,  and  the  reign  of  Ignorance  was  measured. 

w  •  w  w  Tr  w 

In  the  last  century,  the  world  witnessed  the 
commencement  of  the  period — distinguished 
above  all  others — when  the  formerly  limited 
sphere  of  learning,  of  investigation  and  enlighten- 
ment, was  to  be  enlarged ;  when  the  barriers 
which  excluded  the  mass  of  men  from  that 
sphere,  were  to  be  removed  ;  when  the  inestima- 
ble value  of  Printing  was  to  be  finally  realized ; 
when  its  long  deferred  triumph  was  to  be 
celebrated  ;  when  its  empire,  and  the  momentous 
changes  which  it  implied,  were  really  to  begin. 

Not  only  were  great  truths  discovered,  but 
great  falsehoods,  inherited  from  the  earliest 
ages,  were  unmasked  and  eventually  cast  aside 
with  the  idols  of  antiquity;  Philosophy  took 
new  wings  and  soared  to  strange  and  heretofore 
unexplored  realms;  Science  expanded  its  do- 
minion and  sought  fresh  fields  of  discovery ;  it 
advanced,  step  by  step,  until  it  burst,  in  the 
increased  fulness  of  its  development,  into  the 
glorious  rays  which  illumine  our  present  day, 
and  brought  into  deeper  contrast  the  dimness  of 
the  past.     The  age  of  Fiction  and  Sentiment 


44  THE  REVOLUTIONARY    TENDENCIES 

seemed  to  be  vanishing ;  that  of  Reality  and 
Utility  to  be  approaching.  The  conditions  of 
society,  the  relations  of  its  members  and  of  its 
institutions  to  each  other  and  to  the  state,  the 
prerogatives  of  kings,  the  rights  of  men,  and 
other  kindred  subjects  came  to  the  surface,  and 
occupied  the  minds  of  all.  The  thoughts  of 
the  wise  and  of  the  benevolent  were  sent  forth 
to  the  multitudes,  and  found  an  echo  in  the  re- 
motest hamlets.  The  dissemination  of  ideas  pro- 
voked discussion  ;  discussion  stimulated  inquiry ; 
inquiry  sharpened  intelligence,  and  intelli- 
gence, directed  in  a  new  course,  began  to  open 
the  eyes  of  the  people  to  the  fact  that  the  un- 
favorable conditions  to  which  many  of  them  had 
long  submitted,  were  not  the  result  of  divine 
dispensations — eternal  and  immutable — but  of 
human  regulations,  ephemeral  and  changeable. 

And  what  are  we  called  upon  to  relate  as  the 
foremost  result  of  the  diffusion  of  Knowledge  ? 
A  solemn,  an  awe-inspiring  protest  against  the 
ancient  state  of  things.  Murmurs  arose  which, 
feeble  at  first,  grew  louder  and  more  frequent. 
From  many  quarters,  sounds,  like  those  of  the 
clarion,  were  heard,  and,  wherever  heard,  men 
were  stirred  to  action.  The  land  became  like  a 
vast  camp  aroused  from  a  heavy  sleep.     The  ele- 


OF   THE  AGE.  45 

ments  of  discontent  gathered  ominously ;  they  in- 
creased with  appalling  rapidity,  and  finally  broke 
out  into  a  surging  storm  between  the  conflicting 
sections  of  society.  The  world  witnessed  a 
revolution,  more  universal,  more  pregnant  with 
eventual  results  to  the  race,  than  any  convulsion 
of  nature. 

The  problem  before  us  is,  therefore,  a  clear 
one ;  the  solution  of  which  is  correspondingly 
clear. 

In  examining  the  constitution  of  the  social 
body,  we  have  seen  the  strange  spectacle  of  the 
more  numerous  and  powerful  portion  of  society 
submitting  to  conditions  detrimental  to  them- 
selves and  beneficial  to  the  smaller  and  weaker 
portion  ;  we  have  become  convinced  from  the 
brief  and  cursory  survey  given  (and  a  more 
profound  and  elaborate  survey  could  but  result 
in  deepening  the  conviction)  that  this  state 
of  things  could  never  have  obtained,  had  not  the 
majority  been  less  knowing,  less  intelligent, 
than  the  minority. 

Ignorance,  then,  was  the  cause ;  the  abject 
state  was  the  effect.  Since  ignorance  is  vanish- 
ing, must  not  the  conditions  which  sprung  from 
ignorance  also  vanish  ?  The  cause  disappearing, 
can  the  effect  remain  ?     Will  not  the  awakening 


46  THE  REVOLUTIONARY   TENDENCIES 

of  the  human  race  which  led  to  the  scientific, 
industrial,  social,  and  political  revolutions,  lead 
to  that  one  which,  from  a  material  standpoint, 
will  prove  most  beneficial  to  the  people — an 
economic  revolution  ?  In  fact,  is  not  the  latter 
the  logical,  the  inevitable,  sequence  of  the 
former  ? 

The  answer  to  this  is  to  be  found  in  the 
tendencies  of  the  times ;  it  is  revealed  in  the 
pages  of  history,  which  show  that  ever  since 
means  were  adopted  to  diffuse  knowledge,  a 
movement,  sometimes  demonstrative,  explosive, 
destructive,  more  often  subdued  and  silent,  but 
none  the  less  objective,  has  been  developing 
against  the  order  of  things  whereby — owing  to 
certain  laws,  customs,  and  traditions,  and  not 
to  natural  superiority — the  desired  things  of  this 
world  are  concentrated  in  the  hands  of  the  few 
and  excluded  from  the  many. 

If  the  horse,  more  powerful  than  man,  were 
to  become  as  intelligent,  would  he  consent  to  be 
harnessed  under  the  same  conditions  as  for- 
merly ?  Would  he  submit  to  unfair  treatment 
from  one  mentally  his  equal,  physically  his 
inferior?  It  would  be  unwise  to  expect  this  of 
the  horse ;  it  would  be  folly  to  demand  it  of 
man. 


OF   THE  AGE.  47 


CHAPTER  V. 

PREMOlSriTORY    SIGNS. 

WHEN  earth-pervading,  heaven-aspiring 
Knowledge,  weary  of  its  solitude  and 
seclusion,  escaped  beyond  the  gloomy  walls  of 
cloister  and  the  dingy  garrets  of  student  and 
philosopher;  when,  realizing  its  freedom,  it 
wandered  into  peaceful  village  and  crowded 
city,  and  became  a  thing  of  note,  of  observa- 
tion and  discussion  ;  when,  in  its  progressive 
course,  it  met  the  opposition  of  its  arch-enemy. 
Ignorance,  and  following  an  irresistible  im- 
pulse, cast  down,  with  haughty  defiance,  the 
gage  of  battle;  then,  on  this  planet  named 
Earth,  was  inaugurated  a  warfare  in  which  no 
flag  of  truce  was  to  be  raised,  no  armistice  dis- 
cussed, no  treaty  of  peace  signed — a  duel  to 
the  death  between  Knowledge  and  Ignorance. 
The  intellectual  revolution  against  the  reign 
of  Ignorance  is,  by  nature,  destructive  as  well 
as  constructive  in  its  tendencies.  It  has  been 
going  on  for  many  years,  imperceptible  to  the 


48  THE  REVOLUTIONARY   TENDENCIES 

ordinary  eye,  subverting  or  altering  all  previous 
notions  and  creeds,  systems  and  institutions ; 
expanding  the  horizon  of  the  human  mind,  and, 
in  respect  to  social  and  economic  matters,  point- 
ing unmistakably  to  the  gradual  disappearance 
of  those  conditions  w^hich  sprung  into  existence 
in  unenlightened  periods  of  the  past. 

Do  we  not  already  contemplate,  in  many 
lands,  the  ruins  of  the  forms  of  the  old  order  ? 
Have  we  not  seen  the  adoption  of  forms  fore- 
casting a  new  system,  not  yet  in  existence,  but 
which  the  logic  of  events  is  destined  to  bring 
into  existence — shadows,  as  it  were,  of  events 
to  come  ? 

In  the  historic  hall  where,  in  the  midst  of 
national  perturbation  and  expectation,  the 
French  States-General  met,  a  century  ago,  the 
Commons  insisting  on  the  same  privilege  as 
that  enjoyed  by  the  First  and  Second  Estates, 
of  remaining  covered  in  the  presence  of  the 
King,  was  a  petty  thing  in  itself ;  but  how 
pregnant  with  meaning,  how  fruitful  of  inci- 
dents ! 

From  that  date  on,  many  changes  were 
wrought  which  indicate  the  advent  of  an  era 
strikingly  different,  in  many  respects,  from  the 


OF    THE  AGE.  49 

one  that  is  vanishing.  These  changes  bear,  all 
of  them,  the  imprint  of  a  dominant  purpose, 
and  betray  the  underlying  tendency  of  the 
movement  of  the  times — namely,  the  restric- 
tion of  the  undue  advantages  enjoyed  by  the 
few,  and  the  increase  of  opportunities  for  the 
many  to  rise ;  in  other  words,  the  lessening  of 
the  great  contrasts  in  the  conditions  of  men. 

If  this  was  not  the  case,  why  should  the 
towering  influence  of  the  Crown  have  been  torn 
down,  and  the  sovereignty  of  the  people  pro- 
claimed ?  Why  should  titles  of  nobility,  which 
implied  differences  in  the  social  world,  have 
been  abrogated,  and  the  name  of  citizen  applied 
to  all  ?  Why  should  certain  laws  and  usages, 
which  gave  privileges  to  some  and  denied  them 
to  others,  have  been  abolished  ?  Why  should 
the  great  and  the  wealthy  have  eventually 
abandoned,  in  public,  the  gaudy  dress  and 
adornments  which  were  the  insignia  of  superior 
position  in  life  ?  Lastly,  why  should  the  peo- 
ple, unless  they  resented,  and  wished  to  destroy 
offensive  contrasts,  have  adopted,  as  the  national 
device,  the  all-significant  words,  which  adorn 
the  edifices  of  man  as  well  as  the  temples  of 
God- 
Liberty,  Equality,  Fraternity  ? 


50  THE  REVOLUTIONARY   TENDENCIES 

And  following  events  down  to  our  day,  do 
we  not  realize,  as  enlightenment  increases,  an 
increasing  tendency  to  free  the  mass  of  the 
population  from  the  disadvantageous  situation 
they  formerly  occupied  ?  Have  not  the  so-called 
middle  classes  risen  to  the  point  to  which  they 
long  aspired  ?  Have  they  not  achieved  a  sub- 
stantial, a  magnificent,  victory,  while  the  world 
has  resounded — till  the  sound  has  grown  weari- 
some from  its  monotony — with  what  is  fondly 
termed  the  triumph  of  Democracy  ?  Is  not  the 
body  of  voters  growing  gradually  larger  and 
larger,  thus  increasing  the  number  of  those  who 
are  admitted  factors  in  government  ?  Was  not 
a  long  and  bloody  war,  involving  thousands  of 
lives  and  millions  in  money,  considered  oppor- 
tune and  justifiable  in  the  emancipation  of 
slaves  ?  Is  not  serfdom  abolished  ?  Have  not 
the  foremost  nations  of  civilization  come  face  to 
face  with  something  more  than  the  mere  spectre 
of  socialism,  which,  aiming  to  relieve  mankind  of 
all  the  ills  and  iniquities  which  have  oppressed 
them  in  the  past,  proposes  the  complete  subver- 
sion of  the  existing  order  of  things  ? 

Actual  changes  there  have  been,  in  truth,  in 
one  direction  at  least,  and  glaring  presages  of 
changes  in  many  directions  ;  while  it  is  obvious 


OF   THE  AGE.  5  I 

to  all  that  things  have  progressed  to  the  point 
where  the  all-absorbing  question  of  tlie  times  is 
no  longer  the  divine  rights  of  kings,  but  the 
human  rights  of  the  peoples  of  the  earth. 


52  THE  REVOLUTIONARY    TENDENCIES 


CHAPTER    VI. 

MODERN   DEMOCRACY    THE    EESFLT    OF    THE 
DIFFUSION    OF    KNOWLEDGE. 

HOWEVER  clear  the  cause  of  the  polit- 
ical and  other  disturbances  which  agi- 
tated Europe  and  America  a  century  ago, — and 
which  constitute  the  most  remarkable  period  of 
all  history — their  effect  cannot  fail  to  perplex 
us  if  we  look  at  them  as  independent  move- 
ments. If,  however,  we  consider  them,  as  they 
should  be  considered,  as  initial  steps  in  a  vast 
forward  movement,  as  mere  incidents  of  a  general 
revolution,  still  in  progress,  still  to  fulfil  its  pur- 
pose, perplexity  gives  way  to  easy  comprehen- 
sion. 

Men,  at  that  time,  though  unprepared  to  solve 
the  crisis  which  came  upon  them,  were  neverthe- 
less resolved  to  meet  it  with  the  courage  and 
the  lights  they  then  possessed.  Human  affairs 
had  reached  a  stage  when  innovation  was  found 
to  be  necessary.  The  spirit  of  change  was 
abroad ;  also  the  powers  to  effectuate  a  change. 


OF   THE  AGE.  53 

Event  followed  event  in  rapid  succession  ;  so 
likewise  suggestions  of  what  changes  to  make  ; 
and  formulas  innumerable  from  innumerable 
quarters. 

The  agitation  spread,  in  a  more  or  less  marked 
degree,  over  the  civilized  portions  of  the  world. 
It  resulted,  generally,  in  a  realization  of  the 
power  of  the  people  and,  consequently,  in  a 
fuller  recognition  of  their  rights.  It  proved 
conclusively  that  there  was,  on  the  face  of  this 
earth,  a  set  of  men,  other  than  princes  and 
privileged  orders,  who  were  entitled  to  recog- 
nition and,  if  need  be,  could  demand,  and  en- 
force, recognition. 

One  result  was  hailed  by  the  multitudes  with 
emotions  of  joy  and  hope,  and  was  watched  by 
the  ruling  classes  with  alarm  and  distrust.  The 
former  thought  it  would,  more  than  aught  else, 
promote  their  elevation  ;  the  latter  apprehended 
that  its  success  implied  their  downfall.  This 
result  was  the  adoption,  after  many  reactionary 
attempts,  of  the  popular,  in  lieu  of  the  former, 
system  of  government. 

Obviously,  the  objections  on  the  dominant 
side  were  based  less  on  the  mere  change  of 
form,  than  on  the  fear  lest  the  newly  accredited 
sovereign  people — the  makers  of  governments, 


54  THE  REVOLUTIONARY    TENDENCIES 

of  laws,  or  the  unmakers  thereof — with  their 
recently  acquired  knowledge,  their  numbers, 
their  right  and  their  might,  should  not  remain 
content  with  the  semblance  of  sovereignty,  while 
certain  favored  citizens  enjoyed  the  substance, 
the  real  power,  and  all  the  advantages  these 
bring. 

Two  powerful  republics  were  established : 
one  in  a  country  whose  people  had,  for  genera- 
tions, been  familiar  with  monarchical  institu- 
tions ;  the  other  in  a  Land  of  Promise  which, 
since  the  native  Redskin  had  laid  down  the 
sceptre,  had  been  considered  the  fairest  colony 
of  the  vastest  empire  of  the  earth. 

These  two  republics  were,  unlike  the  more 
ancient  ones  of  Italy,  democratic  in  form.  It 
was  freely  declared  that  the  machinery  of  State 
was  not  to  be  used,  as  formerly,  for  the  benefit 
of  a  few,  but  for  the  benefit  of  all  the  governed 
— thus  acknowledging  the  supremacy  of  the 
nation.  Herein  we  detect  premonitory  symp- 
toms of  an  attempt  to  eliminate  one  of  the 
effects  which  had  sprung  from  the  ignorance  of 
the  people,  and  to  confer  on  them  some  of  the 
advantages  which  their  new  acquirements  en- 
titled them  to. 

The  advent  of  Democracy,  not  by  the  sudden 


OF    THE  AGE.  55 

cowp  of  au  ambitious  leader,  anxious  to  win 
popular  favor;  not  as  a  political  experiment; 
but  as  the  inevitable  consequence  of  a  new  con- 
dition of  things  which  is  daily  becoming  more 
and  more  palpable,  is,  in  itself,  evidence  of  the 
intellectual  progress  of  the  people,  and  indicates 
beyond  doubt  that  their  enlightenment  must 
result  in  their  elevation,  just  as  their  ignorance 
had  resulted  in  their  abasement. 

It  was  natural  that,  as  knowledge  spread,  a 
revolt  should  have  been  inauo;urated  against 
the  absolutism  of  monarchy,  which  implied  pop- 
ular subjection,  and  in  favor  of  its  substitute, 
which  implied  popular  emancipation.  Hence 
it  was  that,  in  the  two  countries  referred  to,  the 
system  of  government  adopted  was  democratic 
in  form.  Be  it  observed,  however,  that  it  was 
democratic  in  form  only — not  in  substance. 
Had  it,  from  its  incipiency,  been  the  latter  as 
well  as  the  former,  then  would  have  been  ac- 
complished, in  a  remarkably  short  period,  the 
most  remarkable  revolution  conceivable  ;  then 
would  social  evolution  have  progressed  at  a 
rate  totally  incompatible  with  the  magnitude 
and  importance  of  the  change  to  be  wrought ; 
then  would  Humanity,  still  in  the  infancy  of  its 
new  life,  have  accomplished  a  task  which  time 


56  THE  REVOLUTIOXARY    TENDENCIES 

and  experience  alone  could  accomplish ;  then, 
contrary  to  all  phenomena  attending  great 
movements,  would  a  people  who  had  long  been 
iirnorant,  and  submitted  to  the  conditions  which 
ignorance  imposes,  have  sprung,  in  one  bound, 
into  a  state  of  complete  enlightenment,  and 
enjoyed  the  conditions  which  enlightenment 
demands. 

To  have  expected  this,  would  have  been  to 
look  for  the  cessation  of  those  laws  of  nature 
which  require  the  gradual  development  of  all 
things — from  the  blade  of  grass  to  the  mighty 
oak — and  especially  of  those  things  which  are 
destined  to  last,  to  brave  the  storms  of  the  ele- 
ments and  the  ravages  of  time. 

As  the  seed  of  Democracy  had  to  be  planted 
ere  it  could  grow,  so  is  it  necessary  that  its 
growth  shall  reach  a  certain  point  before  it 
bear  fruit. 


OF   THE  AGE.  $y 


CHAPTER  VII. 

THE    TBIUMPH  OF   DEMOCEACY,  SO  FAR,  A  TEmMPH 
OF  MEEE  FORMS. 

WHILE  the  ancient  regime  has  been 
changed  in  various  respects  and,  if  we 
consider  how  slow,  how  gradual,  as  a  rule,  are 
all  human  innovations,  changed  with  marvellous 
swiftness ;  while  events,  some  foreseen,  others 
unlooked  for,  have  come  to  pass — undoing  much 
that  had  been  done ;  nullifying  much  more — 
flux  and  reflux  in  the  great  movement  forward, 
in  the  widespread  revolution  which  the  stimu- 
lus to  learning  has  inaugurated  in  the  affairs  of 
men ;  yet  if  we,  at  the  end  of  this  nineteenth 
century,  cast  a  glance  of  scrutiny  over  those  lands 
where  the  triumph  of  Democracy  and  the  sov- 
ereignty of  the  people  are  most  loudly  pro- 
claimed, we  find,  wherever  we  gaze,  a  state  of 
things  strikingly  similar,  in  its  essential  respects, 
to  that  which  existed  prior  to  these  changes. 
No  haughty  monarch,  no  frivolous  court,  it  is 
true  ;  but  now,  as  then,  we  see  vast  riches  in 


58  THE  REVOLUTIONARY    TENDENCIES 

the  bands  of  the  few,  and  dire  poverty  facing 
the  many ;  we  see,  now  as  then,  an  enormous 
distance  dividing  the  two  extremes  in  the  social 
sphere — zenith  and  nadir — one  so  high  as  to 
dazzle  the  sight  of  those  below ;  the  other  so 
low  as  to  be  scarcely  noticed  by  those  above. 
"VVe  realize,  in  one  word,  that  while  the  spread 
of  knowledge  and  the  consequent  awakening  of 
intelligence,  created  a  tendency  to  bring  about 
an  equitable  levelling  of  conditions,  this  tend- 
ency has,  so  far,  touched  mainly  the  surface  of 
things ;  we  find  that  the  forms  of  the  old  order 
have  been  annulled,  while  the  substance  re- 
mains ;  and  that  the  forms  of  a  new  order  have 
been  adopted,  while  the  substance  is  still  absent. 
There  has  been  a  levelling  in  titles,  thefe  has 
been  a  levelling  in  dress,  there  has  been  a  level- 
ling, more  apparent  than  real,  in  the  application 
of  the  law ;  there  has  been  a  levelling,  absolutely 
fictitious  in  its  results,  in  the  distribution  of 
political  power ;  but  as  regards  the  ownership 
of  this  earth  and  its  riches  (and  reflect  w^ell,  O 
Keader,  how  more  important  than  all  others  is 
this  last,  on  this  planet  of  ours  !)  there  has 
been  little  or  no  attempt  at  levelling.  Contrasts 
in  everything  are  less  glaring,  save  in  wealth — 
the   great,   the   dominant   power — which    pur- 


OF    THE  AGE.  59 

chases  everything  this   world  produces,  every- 
thing this  world  can  give. 

Thus,  while  the  fair  land  which  once  knew 
proud  princes  and  resplendent  courts,  now 
knows  princes  and  courts  no  more,  while  the 
land  which  once  witnessed  the  most  brilliant 
array  of  nobles  of  which  history  relates,  uow 
looks  on  their  descendants  as  they  would  on 
the  ruins  of  a  dead  age ;  while  the  land  which 
was  once  familiar  with  feudalism,  with  class 
distinctions  and  high  privileges,  rose  from  the 
smoke  of  battle  and  the  blood  and  turmoil  of 
revolution,  bearing  on  its  standard,  which  it 
aimed  to  make  the  standard  of  the  world, 
"Liberty,  Equality,  Fraternity,"  there  are  still, 
in  this  fair  land,  geniuses  who,  being  slaves  to 
poverty,  must  doff  the  cap  to  fools  who  are 
masters  of  wealth ;  there  are  so-called  plain 
citizens  who  would  not  surrender  the  title  to 
their  possessions  for  all  the  titles  of  nobility  of 
ancient  and  modern  times  ;  there  are  distinctions 
of  condition  based  in  no  sense  upon  merit, 
natural  superiority,  or  public  service.  In  that 
which  is  most  essential  to  the  material  welfare 
of  man ;  in  that  which  decides  whether  his  life 
shall  be  one  of  ease,  of  comfort,  of  luxury,  or 
one  of  labor,  of  anxiety,  and  want,  there  has 


6o  THE  REVOLUTIONARY   TENDENCIES 

been  no  equitable  levelling,  no  destroying  of 
glaring  contrasts. 

In  the  face  of  these  facts,  there  are  those 
(whose  vision  is  as  restricted  as  that  of  the 
peasants  who  imagine  the  mountains  of  their 
valley  to  be  the  limits  of  the  earth)  who  be- 
lieve and  proclaim  that  the  events  referred  to 
are  the  limits  of  human  possibilities ;  that  the 
advent  of  Democracy  implies  the  actual  triumph 
of  Democracy ;  that  because  political  independ- 
ence has  been  achieved,  monarchy  abolished,  and 
republics  established,  the  mirmmim  honum  of 
nations  has  been  attained ;  that  the  surging 
wave  of  revolution  which  has  swept  over  the 
land,  has  expended  itself,  and  having  landed 
man  on  the  highest  possible  plane  of  human 
prosperity  and  contentment,  he  has  every  reason 
to  be  satisfied  with  things  as  they  are ;  and,  con- 
sequently, it  were  futile  for  him  to  hope  or  to 
strive  further  to  improve  his  condition. 

Strange  illusion  !  and  yet  not  strange  when 
we  consider  that  w^e  live  in  a  world  sw^ayed  for 
ages  by  forms,  and  guided  by  words ;  a  world 
incapable,  at  first  sight,  of  distinguishing  be- 
tween the  shadow  and  the  reality  of  things, 
between  the  meaning  of  phrases  and  the  fulfil- 
ment of  their  meaning. 


OF   THE  AGE.  6 1 


If  under  monarchical  absolutism  the  King's 
power  was  paramount  to  that  of  his  subjects  ; 
if  the  people's  welfare  was  subordinate  to  that 
of  the  sovereign  and  of  the  privileged  classes  ; 
if  the  laws  favored  the  latter  and  were  mainly 
for  their  benefit  and  protection  ;  then  the  tri- 
umph of  Democracy  over  monarchical  absolutism 
implies  that  the  people's  power  shall  not  be 
subordinate  to  that  of  any  individual,  nor  their 
welfare  to  that  of  any  class  ;  it  implies,  above 
all,  that  the  spirit  of  the  laws  shall  tend  toward 
the  greatest  good  of  the  greatest  number. 

The  triumph  of  Democracy,  if  it  be  a  sub- 
stantial and  not  an  imaginary  one,  means  not 
only  that  there  shall  be  no  privileged  nobility 
and  clergy,  as  formerly,  but  that  no  set  what- 
ever of  citizens  shall  enjoy  inordinate,  and 
especially  unearned,  advantages  over  their 
fellow-citizens  ;  it  means  deviation  from  that 
system  of  government  which  tolerated  gross 
inequalities  in  the  conditions  of  men,  regardless 
of  their  merits  ;  it  involves  the  securing  to  all  of 
fair  opportunities  in  the  race  for  the  prizes 
of  life ;  it  implies  the  discontinuance  of  that 
state  of  things  which  allowed  the  accident  of 
birth,  the  favoritism  of  princes,  or  the  caprice 


62  THE  REVOLUTIONARY   TENDENCIES 

of  Fortune,  to  become  instrumental  in  raising 
a  few  immeasurably  above  all  others  ;  which  not 
only  assured  the  few  the  enjoyment  of  great 
wealth  and  great  favor  with  government,  but 
permitted  them,  at  their  death,  to  transfer  these 
to  heirs  ;  and  which,  by  maintaining  all  privi- 
leges and  advantages  in  the  hands  of  a  class, 
aimed  to  make  them  perpetual,  and  thus  per- 
petually exclude  the  majority  of  men  from  par- 
ticipating therein.  If  Democracy  does  not  mean 
the  cessation  of  these  conditions,  it  means  noth- 
ing ;  if  it  does  not  aim  to  accomplish  this  end, 
it  is  a  sham,  an  illusion,  a  misnomer. 

This  state  of  things  having  existed  under 
monarchical  rule,  it  was,  it  is  fair  to  assume,  to 
destroy  it  that  monarchy  was  abolished  in  cer- 
tain countries,  and  democratic  rule  substituted 
in  its  stead.  It  w^as  because  the  French  nation, 
long  restless  under  the  yoke  of  tyranny,  had 
become  more  fully  informed  of  the  abuses  and 
iniquities  of  the  system  under  which  they  lived, 
that  they  rose  in  a  body  to  overthrow  it.  In- 
deed, so  resolute  were  their  efforts  to  eradicate 
the  ancient  evils  ;  so  heroic,  in  appearance,  were 
the  remedies  applied;  so  fierce  was  the  strug- 
gle against  their  oppressors,  that  the  world, 
unaccustomed  to  the  sight,  stood  aghast,  and 
looked  on  in  amazement. 


OF   THE  AGE.  6^ 

Proud  in  the  display  of  their  power,  rejoicing 
in  the  victory  they  imagined  they  had  achieved, 
the  people  returned  to  their  workshops  and 
their  fields,  and  awaited  the  coming  of  the 
Golden  Era. 

The  Golden  Era  never  came ;  and  no  wonder ! 

This  mighty  revolution,  with  its  vast  up- 
heaval of  passions  and  moral  forces ;  its  demoli- 
tion of  prisons  and  overthrowing  of  thrones ;  its 
denial  of  God  and  deification  of  Reason;  its 
days  of  terror  and  scenes  of  horror ;  its  wild 
shouts  of  exultation  and  weird  hymns  of  tri- 
umph ;  this  revolution,  so  far-reaching  in  its 
conceptions,  so  universal  in  its  aspirations  for 
the  emancipation,  for  the  welfare,  of  Humanity 
— what  did  it  accomplish  ?  Obviously  not  that 
which  it  set  out  to  accomplish;  certainly  not 
that  in  which  the  welfare  of  Humanity  was  most 
seriously  involved :  a  fairer  division  of  man's 
earth  and  its  wealth.  True,  Monarchy  was 
erased  and  Democracy  substituted  in  its  place  ; 
but  a  change  of  name  could  not  effect  a  change 
of  condition.  Diogenes  apostrophized  as  Croe- 
sus would  still  remain  poor,  and  Croesus  as 
Diogenes  be  none  the  less  rich. 

The  people  ceased  to  be  the  subjects  of 
haughty  kings ;  they  remained  subject  to 
haughty  laws.     They  won  a  crown,  but  no  do- 


64  THE  REVOLUTIONARY    TENDENCIES 

minion  ;  acquired  sovereignty,  yet  retained  their 
poverty. 

Aside  from  such  natural  advantages  as  the 
country  may  afford,  do  the  masses  of  to-day, 
under  democratic  rule,  differ  strikingly  from  the 
masses  under  kingly  rule  ?  Do  the  favored  few 
enjoy  less  w^ealth,  less  luxuries,  less  influence? 
The  glories  of  monarchy  have  departed,  but  the 
miseries  of  the  people  remain ;  the  contrasts 
which  offended  their  sense  of  right  and  aroused 
their  just  resentment,  are  still  visible  on  all 
sides ;  they  are  as  overshadowed  to-day  by  an 
opulent  class  as  they  were  formerly  by  a  noble 
class.  Kapaciousness,  in  the  upper  circles,  far 
from  diminishing,  has  increased ;  greed  is  al- 
lowed to  run  unbridled  by  any  law.  The 
favorites  of  Industry  have  outstripped  the  fa- 
vorites of  Royalty.  They,  too,  are  permitted  to 
feed  on  the  public,  and  grow  rich  at  their  ex- 
pense. They,  too,  dwell  in  palaces,  are  sur- 
rounded by  magnificence,  and  display  their 
affluence  as  though  to  mock  those  from  whom 
they  draw  their  revenue.  They  realize  profits 
and  amass  fortunes  which  bring  out,  with  re- 
newed vividness,  the  difference  between  the  two 
elements  of  society,  the  rich  and  the  poor. 
Now,  more  than  ever,  is  accumulation  and  waste 


OF   THE  AGE.  65 

seen  on  one  side,  want  and  suffering  on  the 
other.  The  artificial  is  dominant  and  Mammon 
is  king.  On  him  has  fallen  the  mantle  of  sov- 
ereignty ;  before  him  the  respectful  bearing ; 
to  him  the  obsequious  bow.  Everything  is 
brushed  aside  to  make  room  for  the  Majesty  of 
Wealth. 

Wherein,  then,  so  far  as  actual,  tangible,  ef- 
fects go,  consists  the  much  talked  of  superiority 
of  the  republican  over  the  monarchical  system  ? 
Is  it  that  the  civil  list  of  a  president  is  trivial 
compared  with  that  of  a  prince ;  his  functions 
less  imposing,  his  surroundings  less  magnificent  ? 
Here,  at  least,  is  a  lesson  rich  in  meaning,  if  not 
in  results.  Here  is  a  tacit  admission  that  reck- 
less extravagance,  in  certain  quarters  especially, 
is  an  audacious  contrast  to,  and  a  constant 
mockery  of,  the  poverty  of  the  people.  But 
what,  beyond  a  mere  moral  lesson,  is  taught  by 
curtailing  the  expenditures  of  one  individual, 
and  making  him,  who  should  shine  above  all 
others,  a  solitary  example  of  the  sin  of  extrava- 
gance ?  He  is  denied  a  royal  revenue  and  the 
splendors  of  a  court ;  the  nation  over  which  he 
rules — with  a  power  and  responsibilities  greater 
than  those  of  many  modern  sovereigns — is 
termed  a  Republic  ;  and  it  is  claimed,  in  conse- 


66  THE  REVOLUTIONARY   TENDENCIES 

quence,  that  gigantic  strides  have  been  made  in 
the  art  of  government.  In  what  respect  ?  Titles, 
which  in  themselves  are  harmless,  are  abolished ; 
the  privileges  of  excessive  wealth,  which  are 
a  public  danger,  are  maintained;  shadows 
are  attacked,  substances  are  left  untouched ; 
Monarchy  is  overthrown  as  the  oppressor,  the 
Republic  is  acclaimed  as  the  benefactor,  of  the 
people  ;  yet  this  people-loving,  this  king-hating. 
Republic,  shelters  a  host  of  proud  money-kings 
who,  conscious  of  power  derived  from  state 
support,  lord  it  over  the  land ;  it  tolerates,  in 
the  face  of  struggling  multitudes,  a  class  of  fa- 
vored citizens  who  enjoy  princely  incomes  and 
indulge  princely  excesses ;  it  suffers  them  to 
form  combinations  whereby  they  are  enabled 
to  exercise  the  sovereign  right  of  levying  on  the 
govenied,  and  taxing  them,  in  various  ways,  for 
their  personal  support  and  aggrandizement. 

If  this  be  the  triumph  of  Democracy,  in 
what  direction  shall  we  look  for  the  apotheosis 
of  Plutocracy  ? 

The  people,  the  sovereign  people,  are  still 
ruled  by  laws  inherited  from  the  Past,  when 
they  had  no  voice  in  government ;  the  latter's 
main  purpose  is  the  preservation  of  existing 
economic  conditions,  and  the  protection  of  prop- 


OF   THE  AGE.  6^ 

erty  as  at  present  distributed — the  greater 
and  better  portion  of  which  is  in  the  hands 
of  a  class,  and  is  being  there  concentrated. 
Wander  through  Republics,  Monarchies,  and 
Empires,  the  world  over ;  everywhere  will  the 
same  dominant  purpose  be  found. 

Who,  then,  dares  assert  that  government  is 
for  the  benefit  of  the  majority,  when  its  first 
concern  is  wealth,  of  which  the  majority  have 
little  or  none  ?  What  matters  it,  then,  to  these, 
who  presides  over  their  destiny,  a  potentate  in 
royal  robes,  or  a  crownless  chief,  so  long  as 
their  destiny,  under  whatever  rule,  remains 
unchanged  ? 

A  popular  government  is  one  based  on  the 
popular  will ;  it  is  an  instrument  whereby  the 
will  of  the  people,  in  the  form  of  laws,  is  en- 
forced. Where,  on  the  face  of  this  broad  earth, 
is  such  a  government  to  be  found  ?  Where  the 
one,  however  democratic  in  name,  which  is  not 
an  instrument,  as  are  monarchies,  to  protect  the 
interests,  the  privileges,  of  the  few?  Where 
the  land,  the  happy  land,  whose  laws  provide 
the  greatest  good  for  the  greatest  number  ? 

Yet  the  majority  are  said  to  rule. 

Eccentric  majority ! 


68  THE  REVOLUTIONARY    TENDENCIES 

Society,  in  the  so-called  blessed  lands  where 
Democracy  reigns,  is,  it  is  claimed,  an  associa- 
tion of  men  under  a  government  having  for 
object  the  welfare  of  all  the  members  consti- 
tuting said  association.  The  welfare  of  all  is 
the  logical  purpose  of  association  ;  it  is  the  first 
object  of  government.  If,  then,  the  aim  of  a 
Democracy  be  the  welfare  of  all,  or  of  the 
majority  of,  the  members  of  the  society  of 
which  it  is  composed,  is  it  not  pertinent  to  ask 
whether  it  is  consistent,  under  its  rule,  to  allow 
a  few  of  the  members  to  accumulate,  out  of  the 
general  wealth,  more  riches  than  they  can  dis- 
pose of,  while  others,  no  less  intelligent  and  far 
more  industrious,  have  less  than  they  need  ? 
If  its  purpose  be  the  supj^ression  of  a  favored 
class,  and  the  elimination  of  all  distinctions  and 
privileges,  unmerited  and  unearned,  is  it  not 
relevant  to  inquire  whether  it  is  consistent, 
under  its  rule,  to  tolerate  the  existence  of  a 
class  who  enjoy  the  distinction  and  privilege 
of  being  born  to  a  life  of  leisure  and  luxury, 
when  the  majority  of  men,  members  of  the 
same  association,  are  born  to  a  life  of  labor 
and  discomfort  ?  If  its  object  be  the  establish- 
ment of  fair  opportunities  for  all,  is  it  not 
proper  to  ask  whether  fair  opportunities  exist 


OF   THE  AGE.  69 

where  the  advantages  of  inherited  wealth  are 
pitted  against  the  disadvantages  of  inherited 
poverty ;  where  the  few  are  armed  from  head 
to  foot  for  the  contest  of  life,  while  the  many 
have  nothing  to  shield  them  but  their  native 
ardor  and  intrepidity?  Is  it  consistent  with 
the  purposes,  the  principles,  of  Democracy — 
which  has  cast  aside  Aristocracy,  and  affects 
to  hold  it  in  contempt — to  permit  a  few  favor- 
ites of  Fortune  to  live  and  act  as  though  they 
were  exalted  by  nature  above  their  fellow- 
men,  and  to  enjoy  such  a  position  of  vantage  that 
they  are  enabled  to  play  an  important,  though 
often  concealed,  part  in  the  management  of 
public  affairs,  in  the  election  of  legislatures,  in 
the  control  of  government;  and,  under  the 
segis  of  modern  Democracies,  to  wield  a  power 
greater,  in  some  respects,  than  that  of  the  priv- 
ileged classes  under  the  Aristocracies  of  old  ? 

It  is  obvious  that  if  the  promoters  of  these 
Republics,  which  were  to  open  before  an  aston- 
ished, if  not  admiring,  world,  a  new  and  better 
era  of  government,  had  any  special  object  in 
throwing  off  the  old  form  of  government  and 
adopting  the  new,  it  was  an  object  they  deemed 
unattainable  under  monarchy,  since  they  em- 
phatically repudiated  monarchical  principles  and 


70  THE  REVOLUTIONARY    TENDENCIES 

teudencies.  This  object,  under  popular  govern- 
ment, could  be  no  other  than  the  advancement 
of  the  general  interests  in  opposition  to  the 
personal  interests  of  the  King  and  of  the  privi. 
leged  classes,  which  were  paramount  under  for- 
mer governments ;  any  other  object  than  this 
could  have  been  attained  without  change  of 
government  and  without  flourish  of  trumpets. 
But  casting  aside  the  high-sounding  phraseology 
of  declarations  and  proclamations,  which  char- 
acterized those  days,  and  considering  only  the 
plain  facts,  the  results,  as  they  stand  before  us, 
what  shall  we  say  of  the  promoters  of  these  re- 
publics ?  Were  they,  with  all  their  courage, 
lacking  in  the  boldness  required  to  strike  off 
those  features  of  the  old  order  which  time  and 
custom  had  ingrafted  on  social  institutions,  but 
which  were,  nevertheless,  the  most  objectionable 
features  thereof  ?  Were  they  so  closely  linked  to 
the  former  regime,  that  the  bandage  had  not 
fallen  from  their  eyes,  and  they  were  blinded  to 
the  true  state  of  things  ?  Or,  alarmed  at  the 
spirit  of  revolution  and  innovation  which  was 
in  the  air,  and  fearing  it  might  engender  excesses 
dangerous  to  the  public  weal,  were  they  induced 
to  use  their  influence  to  confine  it  considerably 
within  its  logical  bounds,  rather  than  allow  it 


OF   THE  AGE.  J I 

to  trespass  beyond  these  ?  Is  it  not,  on  reflec- 
tion, clear  that  the  time,  as  stated  elsewhere, 
was  not  fully  ripe  for  the  complete  change; 
that  they  merely  sowed  a  seed  which  the  future 
would  see  grow  and  bear  fruit ;  laid  foundations 
on  which  others  would  be  called  upon  to  build, 
and  did  for  their  generation  what  the  conditions 
of  the  period  permitted  ?  It  is  certainly  difficult 
to  reconcile,  at  first  sight,  many  of  the  inconsist- 
encies which  pervade  their  proclamations,  and 
render  nil,  or  contradict,  in  some  of  their  most 
material  points,  several  of  the  declarations  they 
enunciated  concerning  the  rights  of  the  people. 
Thus,  after  declaring  that  all  men  are  born  and 
continue  equal  in  rights,  they  gravely  affirmed 
that  property  (which  all  men  have  not)  is  an 
inviolable  and  sacred  right,  of  which  no  one  can 
be  deprived. 

One  man  is  born  in  penury,  with  all  that  pen- 
ury implies ;  another  is  born  in  affluence,  with 
all  the  advantages  affluence  brings ;  one  has  be- 
fore him  a  future  of  competition,  of  labor,  of 
striving  to  maintain  existence  ;  the  other,  by  the 
operation  of  the  laws  of  inheritance,  is  destined 
to  partake,  without  labor,  of  all  that  is  most  de- 
sirable in  life ;  one  has  rights  which,  being 
shared  by  all  men,  none  will  envy  ;  the  other 


72  THE  REVOLUTIONARY    TEXDENCIES 

enjoys  privileges  which,  being  denied  the  ma- 
jority of  men,  the  majority  will  covet ;  yet  both 
are  said  to  be  born  and  to  continue  equal  in 
rights  !  The  princely  estates  owned  by  the 
heirs  of  mistresses  of  kings,  are  theirs  by  sacred 
right ;  the  domains  occupied  by  men  whose  an- 
cestors received  them  as  a  reward  for  violating 
the  domains  of  political  neighbors,  are  theirs  by 
inviolahle  right ;  but  what  property,  however 
small,  can  many  worthy  sons  of  worthy  sires 
claim  as  their  risjht  ? 

Social  distinctions  were  declared  to  be  purely 
conventional,  and  as  such  w^ere  seriously  con- 
demned ;  but  what  greater  social  distinction  can 
exist  than  that  between  the  poor  and  the  rich 
man  ;  between  the  man  who  is  compelled  to 
dwell  in  a  hut,  and  the  one  who  inherits  a 
palace  ;  between  the  man  who,  to  live,  must 
work  for  others,  and  the  one  who  is  only  con- 
tent to  live  so  long  as  he  can  get  others  to  work 
for  him  ? 

The  promoters  of  the  Revolution,  while  claim- 
ing to  aim  at  the  abolition  of  all  abuses,  allowed 
that  one  which  towered  above  all  others,  and 
which,  more  than  all  others,  called  for  restric- 
tive action,  to  stand  unmolested,  a  threatening 
danger  to  the  rights,  peace,  and  happiness  of  the 
larger  portion  of  the  nation. 


OF   THE  AGE.  73 

And  are  not  our  modern  republics,  with  their 
proud  boast  of  equality,  their  virtuous  contempt 
of  privilege,  blind  to  the  inequalities  of  wealth 
and  the  privileges  of  inheritance  ? 

The  right  to  own  property  is  one  which,  as 
things  now  stand,  the  few  inherit  and  the  many 
must  contend  for ;  it  is  a  right,  similar  in  condi- 
tions, to  a  free-for-all  race,  but  where  all  save  the 
favorites  are  heavily  handicapped  ;  it  is  like  a 
contest  for  prey  between  a  hawk  with  swift 
wings  and  a  hawk  with  clipped  wings ;  it  is  a 
lottery  in  which  nine  out  of  ten  of  the  rich 
prizes  are  allotted,  in  advance,  to  certain  indi- 
viduals, while  for  the  tenth  there  are  a  million 
competitors.  The  blanks  are  numerous,  and 
most  of  the  minor  prizes  are  so  insignificant  as 
to  be  unworthy  the  name. 

Everything  in  sight,  in  the  most  desirable 
portions  of  the  globe,  is  now  held ;  what  is  not 
in  sight  is  being  diligently  looked  for  by  those 
who  have  the  means  to  make  searches,  and  the 
power  to  hold  and  develop  whatever  may  be 
found.  Where,  then,  are  they  who  have  no 
property  to  look  for  any  ?  What,  beyond  bare 
subsistence,  are  they  to  compete  for,  to  labor  for? 
Of  what  avail  is  their  energy,  their  intelligence, 
their  genius?  Though  told  that  they  are  born 
equal  in  rights  with  other   men,  they  cannot 


74  THE  REVOLUTIONARY    TENDENCIES 

even  hope  to  share  equally  with  other  men  in 
the  possession  of  this  fair  earth  and  the  fruit  it 
sends  forth. 

When  one  man  is  entitled  to  own  a  score  of 
mansions,  while  many  have  no  roof  to  shelter 
them  ;  to  be  lord  of  endless  acres,  while  thou- 
sands have  not  a  burial  plot ;  to  indulge  in 
waste,  while  multitudes  are  wanting  ;  is  it  not  a 
privilege  which  partakes  of  the  nature  of  flagrant 
abuse  ?  When  it  is  further  considered  that  this 
privilege  is  unlimited ;  that  it  is  unrestricted  by 
any  law  ;  that  it  is  made  perpetual  by  inherit- 
ance, can  it  be  claimed  that  the  government 
under  which  such  a  state  of  things  exists,  is 
popular  in  principle  or  democratic  in  practice  ? 
When  this  excessive,  and  often  unearned,  priv- 
ilege is  enjoyed  by  a  small  minority  of  the 
governed  and,  under  the  conditions  above  re- 
ferred to,  is  declared  to  be  a  right,  "  sacred  and 
inviolable^''  is  it  not  the  sublimity  of  irony  to 
allude  to  the  rights  of  the  majority  ? 

If  the  will  of  the  majority  of  the  governed  be 
the  paramount  law,  surely  that  law,  to  be  con- 
sistent, should  conform  with  the  interests  of 
the  majority  ;  the  interests  of  the  majority,  if 
considered,  call  for  the  improvement  of  their 


OF   THE  AGE.  75 

condition ;  the  improvement  of  their  condition 
demands,  as  an  initial  step,  legislation  which 
shall  curtail  the  privilege,  now  enjoyed  by  the 
minority,  of  absorbing  such  a  vast  quantity  of 
that  which  is  essential  to  ameliorate  one's  situa- 
tion in  life,  that  all  others  are  deprived  of  the 
opportunity  of  acquiring  a  reasonable  share 
thei'eof. 

This  legislation  has  not  been  forthcoming. 
Indeed  it  would  appear,  from  the  condition  of 
things,  that  it  was  the  few  who  controlled  the 
making  of  laws,  since  the  laws  favor  the  few  ; 
and  that  the  many  had  no  voice  in  framing  them, 
since  they  are  the  least  benefited  thereby.  Thus 
are  we  brought  face  to  face  with  the  incongru- 
ous situation  of  the  majority  holding  supreme 
power  in  the  state,  and  consequently  holding 
the  means  to  dispose  of  things  according  to  their 
interests,  while  the  minority  enjoy,  in  apparent 
security,  all  the  advantages  which  supreme 
power  can  command. 

Ever  since  the  opening  of  the  democratic  era, 
the  legislators  of  nations  have  been  actively  en- 
gaged revising  old,  and  devising  new  laws.  They 
assemble,  with  much  solemnity,  in  imposing  halls, 
and  gravely  discuss  those  matters  which  are  sup- 
posed to  concern  the  public  weal.     Generation 


'J^  THE  REVOLUTIONARY    TENDENCIES 

after  generation  of  brilliant  men — men  of  wealth 
and  high  position — have  contested  the  honor  of 
representing  the  people  and  legislating  in  their 
behalf.  Years  upon  years  of  study,  research, 
and  debate  have  been  required  to  accomplish 
their  task.  Volumes  upon  volumes  of  reports, 
amendments,  repeals,  and  enactments  stand  as 
evidence  of  their  legislative  labors.  If,  however, 
we  examine  critically  this  stupendous  work  of 
learned  law-givers  ;  if  we  analyze  it  to  probe  its 
nature,  and  reduce  it  to  its  simplest  expression, 
we  find  its  component  parts  to  be  nothing  more 
than  various  kinds  of  dust,  scientifically  pre- 
pared for  the  people's  eyes. 

The  mysterious  councils  of  Zeus  and  his 
Olympian  group  were  wont  to  impress  the 
simple-minded  Ancients  with  profound  awe. 
To  the  more  enlightened  Moderns  they  are, 
however,  a  source  of  innocent  merriment.  And 
so,  no  doubt,  will  future  historians  refer  to  the 
meetings  of  those  who  now  preside  over  our 
destinies,  and  point,  not  without  humor,  to  the 
elaborate  and  protracted  disputations,  intended 
to  deceive  expectant  mortals  into  the  belief 
that  momentous  measures  are  being  advocated 
in  their  interest. 

There  have  been  endless  discourses  on  various 


OF   THE  AGE.  J 'J 

subjects  which  may  have  increased  the  pride, 
but  in  no  way  augmented  the  income,  of  the 
masses  of  the  population ;  there  have  been  dis- 
cussions on  tariffs,  on  finances,  on  political 
matters,  foreign  relations,  and  on  various  taxes 
to  be  paid  by  the  governed  for  the  maintenance 
of  government ;  but  where,  in  the  mass  of  legis- 
lation enacted,  do  we  detect  the  much-needed 
economic  reforms  which,  alone,  can  materially 
benefit  the  people  at  large  ?  Where  do  we  dis- 
cern a  serious  attempt  to  establish  something 
of  a  politic,  something  of  an  equitable,  disposi- 
tion of  the  property,  of  the  goods,  of  the 
commonwealth  ? 

All  the  legislation  enacted  since  pseudo-pop- 
ular parliaments  have  met,  cannot  compare,  in 
point  of  vital  importance,  with  the  laws  and 
usages  still  in  force,  whose  origin  antedates 
popular  government.  Yet  the  legislators  meet 
regularly,  at  a  great  expense  to  the  nation,  and 
profess  to  legislate  for  the  people.  Far  from 
promoting  the  interests  of  the  latter,  have  they 
not  attempted  to  mislead  them  by  their  impres- 
sive verbosity  ?  Have  they  not,  in  imitation 
of  the  Barons  of  old,  usurped  the  cloak  of  au- 
thority, and  clothed  themselves  therewith  % 
Have  they  not  given  closer  attention  to  their 


78  THE  REVOLUTIONARY   TENDENCIES 

personal  welfare  and  advancement,  than  to 
those  of  their  constituents  from  whom  they 
hold  power? 

Well  may  it  be  asked,  What  have  you,  rep- 
resentatives of  the  people,  done  for  the  people  ? 
What  action  have  you  taken  to  curtail  the 
privileges  of  the  minority  and  promote  the  in- 
terests of  the  majority  ?  What  laws  have  you 
enacted  whereby  all  men  can  discern,  as  they 
can  day  from  night,  the  dividing  line  between 
the  two  great  epochs  of  government  by  the  will 
of  the  Absolute  Monarch,  and  government  by 
the  will  of  the  Sovereign  People  ? 

•»■**** 

But  does  the  responsibility  for  this  inactivity 
rest  with  the  legislators  alone  ? 

When  the  people  acquired  political  power, 
they  w^on  a  mighty  weapon  from  their  oppres- 
sors; but,  like  the  South  Sea  Islander  who 
playfully  seized  a  pistol  and  deemed  it  a  toy, 
they  ignored  its  real  uses;  they  have,  so  far, 
overlooked  the  sole  purpose  for  which  it  was 
won — the  advancement  of  their  interests,  the 
improvement  of  their  condition.  They  are  still 
held  in  subjection  by  the  golden  weapon,  whose 
efficacy  is  so  potent  that,  in  the  hands  of  the 
few,  it  awes  the  multitudes,  and  keeps  them. 


OF   THE  AGE.  79 

tHe  so-called  makers  and  destroyers  of  govern- 
ments, at  a  distance — liat  in  Land,  head  bowed, 
awaiting  orders  from  their  masters ;  they,  the 
rulers  of  to-day,  have  not  yet  changed,  except 
in  name,  the  rule  of  yesterday,  when  they  were 
under  the  dominion  of  despots;  the  spirit  of 
the  governments  they  overthrew  still  hovers 
above,  still  dominates,  them;  w^ealth,  the  great 
purchasing  power,  is  as  far  from  their  reach 
under  the  existing  system  as  it  was  under  the 
tyrannical  systems  of  the  Past ;  the  hated  per- 
sona] master  is  dead,  but  his  impersonal  succes- 
sor, imperious  Capital,  still  lives ;  they  are  his 
sei'vile  subjects ;  they  are  harnessed  to  his  gor- 
geous chariot,  victims  of  his  pride  and  arrogance. 
Of  what  avail  is  it,  then,  that  they  should 
have  revolted  against  despots,  changed  regimes, 
and  marched  in  triumph  to  legislative  halls? 
Have  they  not  permitted  those  laws  to  stand 
which  allow  the  greatest  privileges  to  the  small- 
est number  ?  Have  they  not,  by  their  inaction, 
left  the  greatest  number  where  they  have  always 
stood — in  the  vast  arena  of  the  world,  face  to 
face  with  the  wild  beast,  Hunger — while  the 
fat  patricians,  robed  in  purple,  recline  at  their 
ease,  and  look  from  afar  at  the  battle  of  life  ? 
Have  they  not,  by  failing  to  denounce  and  re- 


So  THE  REVOLUTIONARY    TENDENCIES 

ject  them,  given  the  stamp  of  approval  to  the 
fundamental  principles  of  the  form  of  govern- 
ment they  repudiated  ?  Have  they  not  main- 
tained the  usages  and  traditions  which  empower 
the  favored  of  Fortune  to  accumulate  beyond 
their  needs,  and  compel  others,  the  unfortunates, 
to  suffer  from  want  ? 

If  arbitrary  rulers  were  overthrown  by  popu- 
lar clamor,  arbitrary  laws  are  kept  in  force  by 
popular  silence,  implying  assent.  These  laws, 
whether  written  or  unwritten,  are  the  real  op- 
pressors, since  they  unduly  favor  the  few ;  yet 
they,  which  alone  can  change  the  condition  of 
the  governed,  remain  unchanged.  Being  un- 
repealed, it  is  no  less  the  duty  of  the  repub- 
lican executive  to  see  them  enforced,  than  it 
was  formerly  the  duty  of  the  royal  executive. 
This  being  the  case,  is  it  not  evident  that  the 
people's  notable  increase  of  power  has  not  re- 
sulted in  a  corresponding  increase  of  benefit  ? 
What  have  their  votes,  repeatedly  cast,  secured 
for  them  that  they  did  not  previously  possess  ? 
Notwithstanding  their  commanding  numbers, 
they  are  domineered  over  by  a  haughty  caste  ; 
notwithstanding  their  supreme  will,  they  are 
subjected  to  the  will  of  others;  they  wander, 
in  straggling  bands,  over  highways  they  have 


OF   THE  AGE.  8 1 

traced,  through  vast  and  beautiful  realms  ; 
they  linger  in  cities  they  have  built,  within 
the  shadow  of  palaces  they  have  raised ;  they 
encounter  on  all  sides  wealth,  luxury,  and 
abundance ;  they  hear  sounds  of  revelry  and, 
midst  majestic  splendors,  witness  regal  enter- 
tainments ;  and  they,  the  sovereign  people,  are 
begging  for  labor,  grateful  for  bread  to  eat, 
for  a  roof  under  which  to  sleep — living  proofs 
that 

"  Uneasy  lies  the  head  that  wears  a  crown." 

The  hour  has  not  yet  sounded — and  yet  it 
is  not  distant — when  they  will  awake  to  the 
knowledge  that  political  rights  were  fought 
for,  and  won,  to  secure  economic  rights ;  when 
they  will  be  convinced  that  their  claims  to  sov- 
ereignty must  remain  chimerical  so  long  as  the 
supremacy  of  wealth  is  real,  and  its  powers  un- 
restricted; when  they  will  demand  that  popular 
government  cease  to  be  a  fiction,  and  become 
in  fact,  what  it  is  in  name,  the  people's,  and 
not  a  class',  government.  Not  until  that  hour 
has  rung,  shall  Consistency  and  Reason  cease 
revolting  at  seeing  the  flag  of  Democracy  float 
over  the  land  where  Mammon  is  King. 


82  THE  REVOLUTIONARY   TENDENCIES 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

THE   TEl^DENCIES    OF   THE   TIMES    POINT   TO   THE 
SUBSTANTIAL   TRIUMPH    OF   DEMOCRACY. 

SINCE,  under  our  present  Republics  and 
popular  governments,  there  still  exists 
a  class  which  enjoys  the  undue  advantages  and 
privileges  which  great  wealth  and  unrestricted 
inheritance  give;  since  the  condition  of  the 
body  of  the  people,  no  matter  how  industrious 
and  educated  they  may  be,  still  stands  in  bold 
contrast  with  that  of  opulent  citizens ;  since  the 
competition  for  the  prizes  of  life  is  notoriously 
unequal  and  unfair  and,  consequently,  all  are 
not  given  the  same  opportunities  to  rise ;  since 
the  democratic  legislature  is  such  only  in  name, 
as  is  shown  by  its  failure  to  inaugurate  legisla- 
tion tending  to  better  the  situation  of  the  na- 
tion at  large;  since  political  power  in  the  hands 
of  the  people  is,  as  yet,  a  mere  form,  as  is  evi- 
denced by  their  failure  to  secure  therewith  the 
supremacy  which  is  within  their  reach ;  it  is 
manifestly  premature  to  refer,  at  the  present 


OF   THE  AGE.  83 

time,  to  the  glorious  triumph  of  Democracy  and 
its  wonderful  achievements. 

But  are  we  to  infer  from  the  foregoing  that, 
Democracy  having  proved  a  failure  in  the  past, 
its  cause  is  to  be  despaired  of  in  the  future ; 
that  because  the  people,  though  more  enlight- 
ened, are  still  subjected  to  former  unfavorable 
conditions,  they  will  always  so  remain  ? 

Astronomers  assure  us  that  if  a  distant  star 
— colliding,  may  be,  with  some  wandering  comet 
— were  to  be  scattered  through  the  universe  in 
infinitesimal  fragments,  its  rays  would  still  con- 
tinue to  vibrate  through  space  and  be  visible  to 
our  eye  many  years  thereafter.  So,  likewise, 
the  evils  which  emanated  from  the  depths  of 
intellectual  darkness  must  be  expected  to  hover 
over  the  earth,  and  be  felt  for  some  time  after 
that  darkness  has  disappeared.  But  one  thing 
is  certain — and  let  its  inevitableness  be  impressed 
on  the  minds  of  all  men — as  when  the  star  be- 
came extinct,  its  light  was  destined  to  grow  less 
and  less,  and  finally  to  fade  away  for  ever,  so 
when  Ignorance  is  stamped  out,  will  its  gloom 
be  gradually  dispelled,  and  the  conditions  which 
emanated  therefrom  vanish  for  all  time. 

The  events  which  startled  the  world  during 


84  THE  REVOLUTIONARY    TENDENCIES 

the  last  century,  were  but  indications  of  the 
dawn  of  a  new  day ;  they  were  the  first  spas- 
modic movements  of  an  awakening  from  a 
protracted  sleep;  they  were  the  first  cry  of 
Humanity  in  the  new  life,  the  new  career,  that 
then  opened  before  it ;  they  were  the  initial 
steps  towards  the  fresh  fields  which  are  being 
opened  and  prepared  for  the  nations  of  the 
earth. 

The  man  who,  under  the  influence  of  a  power- 
ful opiate,  has  been  slumbering  for  a  long  time, 
does  not,  on  first  awakening,  become  fully  con- 
scious of  his  condition,  or  familiar  with  his  sur- 
roundings; he  looks  around,  with  half -open 
eyes,  in  a  semi-bewildered  state ;  the  day,  to 
which  he  has  so  long  been  unaccustomed,  dazes 
him ;  if  he  attempts  to  rise,  his  head  will  reel, 
his  steps  will  be  uncertain,  he  will  stumble  and 
fall.  He  does  not  grasp  the  succession,  the  order 
of  events,  of  things,  or  their  true  relation  to  each 
other;  he  has  not  complete  control  of  his 
thoughts ;  hence  his  actions,  his  words,  will  ap- 
pear inconsistent,  eccentric.  Such  was  the  con- 
dition of  those  nations  which,  under  the  influence 
of  that  most  powerful  of  opiates,  Ignorance,  had 
been  sleeping  for  centuries,  when  Knowledge, 
acting  as  an  antidote,  aroused  them  from  their 


OF    THE   AGE.  85 

lethargy,  Repeated  convulsions  of  the  social 
organism  gave  evidence  of  a  revival,  an  awaken- 
ing ;  but  the  new  light  which  had  appeared 
dazed  them ;  their  movements  were  erratic ; 
they  rose  and  then  fell,  and  rose  and  fell  again. 
They  had  not  fully  collected  their  thoughts,  con- 
sidered their  situation,  or  planned  their  course. 
The  result  was  that  while  they  acted,  their 
actions  did  not  produce  the  anticipated  effects. 
The  conditions  which  surrounded  them  were  so 
novel,  the  changes  so  sudden,  the  turmoil  so 
great,  the  opposition  so  concentrated,  the  senses 
so  excited,  the  passions  so  aroused,  that  judg- 
ment lost  its  bearings,  and  the  people  became 
bewildered.  They  were,  as  has  been  seen,  more 
impressed  by  forms  than  by  substances,  and  di- 
rected their  heaviest  blows  at  the  former.  But  if, 
in  their  half-awakened  condition,  they  thought  it 
was  names,  titles,  outward  forms,  which  brought 
to  their  possessors  the  advantages  of  life,  there 
was  some  excuse  for  their  so  thinking  ;  since  in 
many  notorious  instances  the  two  were  synony- 
mous. Those  whose  fame  had  spread  through- 
out the  land ;  those  who  basked  in  the  sunshine 
of  the  monarch's  favor ;  those  who  lingered  in 
the  delicious  shades  of  the  court  of  Versailles ; 
those  whose  mansions,  whose  estates,  whose  sur- 


86  THE  REVOLUTIO^TARY   TENDENCIES 

roiindings,  surpassed  in  grandeur  and  in  extent 
all  others,  were,  in  the  public  mind,  intimately 
associated  with  the  resonance,  tlie  glamour,  of 
high-sounding  names,  titles,  distinctions.  Hence, 
in  attempting  to  reduce  the  contrasts  between 
the  various  sections  of  society,  in  endeavoring  to 
establish  greater  eguallty,  what  wonder  that  the 
people  should  have  aimed  their  shafts  at  the 
high  places  where  titles  and  distinctions  were 
intrenched,  and  attacked  those  forms  with  which 
they  had  always  associated  contrasts  ? 

Nor  should  it  be  ove-rlooked  that  the  class 
who  possessed  wealth,  without  enjoying  royal 
favor,  and  who  were  held  in  contempt  by  the 
privileged  nobles,  were  not  adverse  to  the  abol- 
ishing of  contrasts  in  forms — wherein  they  had 
no  share — so  long  as  the  contrasts  in  sub- 
stances, in  which  they  participated,  remained. 
This  class  played  a  significant  role,  not  only  in 
subverting  monarchy  and  the  nobility,  but  in 
misleading  the  multitudes.  They  thought,  only 
too  justly,  that  by  attacking  the  forms  which 
the  people  had  learned  to  look  upon  as  the  cause 
of  their  abasement,  they  would  be  blinded  to 
the  substances  which  were  the  real  cause  thereof. 
In  other  words,  they  concluded  that  by  cutting 
short  the  reign  of  kings,  they  would  be  able  to 


OF   THE  AGE.  87 

inaugurate  their  own.  How  admirably  they 
have  succeeded  in  this  needs  no  illustration. 

Moreover,  the  gathering  together,  the  con- 
solidation, the  drilling,  of  the  multitudinous 
bodies  which,  before  they  could  act  wisely,  con- 
sistently, had  to  act  in  concert,  as  though  they 
had  but  one  body,  one  mind,  one  will,  one  pur- 
pose, was  a  task  not  for  a  single,  but  for  many 
generations  to  accomplish  successfully.  The  in- 
novations which  the  first  victories  of  Knowledge 
over  Ignorance  were  destined  to  achieve,  could 
not,  in  the  nature  of  things,  be  brought  about 
instantly;  the  social  fabric,  with  its  complex 
and  innumerable  ramifications  and  connections, 
which  it  had  taken  centuries  to  construct,  could 
not  be  altered  in  a  day. 

It  were  no  less  unreasonable  to  expect  the 
triumph  of  Democracy  at  its  birth,  than  to  have 
expected  Caesar  or  Napoleon  to  perform,  in  their 
extreme  youth,  the  marvellous  deeds  which 
crowned  their  manhood.  They  had  within 
them — undeveloped,  but  yet  growing — the  qual- 
ities, the  material,  essential  to  the  making  of 
great  conquerors,  great  rulers ;  but  these  qual- 
ities, this  material,  had  to  await  the  period  of 
their  full  development ;  further  still,  they  had 
to  await  the  advent  of  opportunity. 


88  rilE  REVOLUTIONARY    TENDENCIES 

But  while  others  might  have  filled  the  place 
of  the  mighty  conquerors  and  rulers,  nothing 
on  this  earth  can  take  the  place  of  Democracy ; 
for  the  latter  means  the  supremacy,  not  of  one 
man,  not  of  one  dynasty,  but  the  supremacy  of 
mankind,  of  the  human  race,  in  the  control  of 
the  affairs  of  this  world,  in  the  disposal  of  its 
riches,  in  the  awarding  of  its  prizes.  It  has, 
what  neither  Caesar  nor  Napoleon  had,  the  right 
of  succession  ;  it  has  legitimacy.  Its  advent  to 
the  throne  depends  not  on  fortuitous  circum- 
stances, but  upon  the  inexorable  logic  of  events. 
Although  still  in  its  youth,  it  already  wears  the 
crown  and  bears  the  title  of  sovereign.  It 
awaits  its  majority  to  enter  into  full  power,  and 
control  the  revenues  of  its  vast  dominions. 
These  revenues  are  still  enjoyed  by  Plutocracy ; 
but  is  not  this  enjoyment  doomed,  as  is  the  in- 
fluence of  the  moribund  potentate,  whose  days 
are  numbered  ?  Are  they  not  enjoyed  as  is 
wealth  by  him  of  whom  the  demands  of  equity, 
the  edicts  of  law,  and  the  superior  rights  of 
contestants,  require  its  near  transfer  ? 

***** 

To  contemplate  the  history  of  the  last  century 
and  a  half  ;  to  study  the  great  national  move- 
ments in  the  most  advanced  countries  ;  to  trace 


OF   THE  AGE.  89 

their  course,  their  undercurrents,  leads  one, 
irresistibly,  to  the  conclusion  that  the  easy 
communication  of  ideas,  and  the  consequent 
dissemination  of  knowledge  and  broadening  of 
intelligence,  which  are  noticeable  during  that 
period,  created  a  tendency  to  restrict  the  undue 
advantages  enjoyed  by  the  few,  to  extend  to  the 
many  increased  opportunities  to  rise,  to  eradicate 
the  glaring  contrasts  in  the  positions  of  men. 

This  tendency  to  satisfy,  to  exhaust,  itself, 
has  still  a  long  road  to  travel ;  has  still  much  to 
accomplish.  Will  it  be  content  with  abolishing 
the  semblances  of  the  ancient  reo;ime,  and  re- 
taining  its  realities  ;  with  withdrawing  power 
from  the  political  king,  and  transferring  it  to 
the  financial  king ;  with  humiliating  the  aris- 
tocracy of  birth,  and  elevating  the  aristocracy 
of  wealth ;  with  distributing  votes  among  the 
masses,  and  concentrating  riches  in  a  few  hands  ? 
Will  the  tendency  to  change  the  old  order  and  to 
improve  the  condition  of  the  people,  stop  there 
where  the  old  order  is  most  in  need  of  change, 
there  where  the  people's  condition  is  most  in 
need  of  improvement  ? 

It  is  evident — and  it  is  well  to  bear  constantly 
in  mind — that  the  French  Kevolution,  which  did 
so  much  to  stimulate  modern  tendencies,  was 


90  THE  REVOLUTIONARY    TENDENCIES 

not  an  independent  event,  the  commencement 
and  end  of  which  can  be  clearly  defined.  Nor 
was  it  a  culminating  event.  It  was  intimately 
linked  with  occurrences  preceding  it,  and  was 
no  less  intimately  linked  with  occurrences  fol- 
lowing it.  It  was  but  an  episode  of  a  vast 
revolution,  long  preparing,  and  which  is  going 
on  to  this  day,  the  culminating  issue  of  which 
will  be  the  abolition,  not  of  Monarchy,  not  of 
titles  of  nobility,  not  of  certain  forms  of  govern- 
ment, but  the  abolition  of  the  state  of  things — 
relating  to  the  division  of  the  land,  of  the 
wealth,  of  this  world — which  found  its  origin 
in  the  ignorance  of  the  mass  of  men,  and  which 
ever-increasing  enlightenment  is  rendering  more 
and  more  intolerable,  less  and  less  likely  to 
endure. 

No  matter  what  the  apparent  cause,  or  what 
the  immediate  effects  were,  the  underlying,  the 
fundamental  cause  of  the  explosion  of  1789  was 
economic ;  and  considering  that  it  was  but  one 
of  many  incidents  produced,  and  to  be  produced, 
by  the  same  general  cause,  the  ultimate  effect 
must  be  economic. 

Paris — the  chief  centre  from  which  new 
knowledge  emanated,  and  also  the  main  centre 
of  the  disturbances  which  led  to  the  outbreak — 


OF   THE  AGE.  9 1 

was,  above  all,  a  monumental  city  of  glaring  con- 
trasts. On  one  side  was  magnificence,  wealth, 
and  luxury  ;  on  the  other  was  squalor,  poverty, 
and  misery.  In  one  quarter  the  air  resounded 
with  the  whirling  of  wheels  of  rich  equipages, 
in  which  was  enthroned  Laziness,  driving 
through  the  Avenues  of  Pleasure ;  in  another, 
where  the  ear  was  deafened  by  the  turning  of 
the  wheels  of  Industry,  were  men,  women,  and 
children,  panting,  sweating,  struggling  in  the 
great  race  of  Life — hopelessly  excluded  from 
the  lists  wherein  leisure  and  comfort  are  the 
prizes.  Here  was  light  in  all  its  glory,  and 
darkness  in  all  its  intensity  ;  here  was  a  little 
world  in  itself  which,  unlike  the  great  earth, 
revolved  not ;  a  world  in  which  there  was  no 
rotation  of  morning  and  evening — each  hemi- 
sphere receiving  in  turn  the  rays  of  the  sun  ; 
each  submitting  in  turn  to  the  shades  of  night. 
One  side  alone  knew  sunshine  ;  the  other  was 
in  perpetual  gloom. 

This  it  was  that  helped  awaken  the  spirit  of 
Revolution  which,  with  drawn  sword  and  flam- 
ing torch,  wandered  over  the  long-submissive 
land ;  this  it  was  that  caused  the  proud  descend- 
ant of  le  RoiSoleil  to  be  dragged  from  his 
resplendent  throne,  and  sacrificed  by  his  angered 


92  THE  REVOLUTIONARY    TENDENCIES 

people.  Thus,  it  was  thought,  the  light  of  day- 
would  expand,  and  penetrate  regions  it  had  never 
reached  before.  The  sunshine  the  monarch  and 
his  favorites  once  claimed  as  their  due,  was  dif- 
fused indeed — but  not  in  the  domain  of  Dark- 
ness. There,  as  before,  was  gloom ;  elsewhere 
was  light — less  glaring,  because  less  concen- 
trated, but  glaring  nevertheless.  A  king  had 
disappeared ;  a  thousand  had  taken  his  place, 
and  were  sharing  his  splendors — a  band  of 
merry  satraps,  each  with  his  festive  court,  and 
courtiers,  and  followers,  and  many  subjects. 

Paris  was  but  a  symbol  of  the  world.  The 
contrast  emphasized  there,  existed  everywhere. 
The  example  it  held  up,  the  lesson  it  taught, 
were  universal  in  their  application.  The  peo- 
ple of  the  great  city  felt  that  things  were  not 
as  they  should  be.  There  was  something 
wrong,  they  knew  not  what ;  there  was  a 
remedy,  they  knew  not  where.  They  resorted 
to  revolution ;  they  rose  in  their  might ;  they 
wielded  their  power ;  and  yet,  strange  magic ! 
they,  themselves,  were  overpowered.  Another, 
and  another,  revolution ;  and  still  the  wrong  is 
not  righted.  What,  then,  the  cause  ?  It  cannot 
be  the  monarch — he  is  dethroned,  his  descend- 
ants are  banished,  his  courtiers  dispersed,  his 


OF    THE  AGE. 


93 


palaces  demolished ;  his  princely  personality 
casts  no  longer  its  brilliant  light  in  one  direc- 
tion, its  dark  shadow  in  another ;  yet  the  people 
are  overshadowed ;  the  ville  lumiere  is  in  dark- 
ness. 

The  kings  of  France  lived,  if  ever  kings  did, 
in  stately  style.  Their  palaces  were  numerous 
and  beautiful ;  their  gardens,  dotted  with  foun- 
tains and  pavilions,  were  the  smiling  abode  of 
Pleasure  ;  the  forests,  alive  with  bird  and  game, 
resounded  with  the  horn  of  the  royal  hunters 
and  the  bark  of  their  hounds.  At  night,  what 
scenes  of  revelry,  of  merriment ;  what  gather- 
ings of  fair  dames  and  gay  cavaliers ;  what  ban- 
quets, what  feasts,  what  graceful  dances,  what 
entrancing  music,  giving  birth  to  tender  passions 
— too  easily  gratified ;  too  easily  forgotten  ! 

Accounts  of  the  magnificence  of  the  court  of 
Versailles  spread  over  the  world — stimulating 
imitation  on  the  part  of  some,  awakening  envy 
in  the  breasts  of  others ;  all  of  which  added  to 
the  fame  and  glory  of  France.  Certainly,  there 
was  no  occasion  for  the  people  to  object  to  these 
things,  in  themselves.  On  the  contrary,  the 
more  lavish  the  expenditures  of  their  kings ; 
the  more  courtiers,  the  more  armies,  the  more 
ships,  the  more  power  they  could  boast  of,  the 


94  THE  REVOLUTIONARY   TENDENCIES 

more  reason  the  people  had  to  be  proud,  the 
more  reason  they  had  to  exult — for  did  not  the 
greatness  of  theii"  princes  reflect  greatness  on 
themselves  ?  But  the  day  came  when,  far  from 
finding  pride  in  the  lavish  expenditures  of  their 
rulers,  they  felt  shame  and  indignation  ;  for 
they  were  made  conscious  of  the  contrast  be- 
tween the  gay  revellers  of  the  palace  and  the 
weary  inhabitants  of  the  huts.  A  new  light 
had  come  to  them,  and  they  were,  in  a  measure, 
informed  as  to  the  cause  of  this  state  of  things. 
Hence  they  rebelled.  They  overthrew  the 
kingly  rule,  and  humiliated  the  nobles. 

This  was  done,  not  because  the  Bourbons  had 
held  supreme  sway ;  not  because  they  had  lived 
in  palaces  and  were  surrounded  by  an  array  of 
brilliant  followers ;  it  was  done  because,  to  keep 
up  the  royal  state,  the  nation  was  impoverished  ; 
it  was  because  the  manner  of  life,  the  condi- 
tions, the  surroundings  of  the  kings  and  the 
nobles,  considered  in  their  relations  to  the  man- 
ner of  life,  the  conditions  and  surroundings  of 
the  majority  of  the  people,  were  found  to  affect 
these  adversely  ;  it  was  because  the  regal  splen- 
dors and  extravagance  were  maintained  in  the 
face  of  the  poverty,  and  at  the  expense,  of  the 
masses. 


OF   THE  AGE.  95 

Nor  is  it  to  be  supposed  that  the  subjects  of 
the  king  would  have  objected  if  the  latter  had 
exercised  the  power  of  the  most  despotic  of 
rulers,  provided  that  power  had  been  exercised 
to  insure  them  a  fair  subsistence,  and  the  enjoy- 
ment of  those  emoluments  they  claimed  as  the 
due  of  their  toil,  and  as  their  reasonable  propor- 
tion of  the  riches  produced  by  them.  Where 
the  people  so  blind  to  reason,  so  indifferent  to 
their  welfare,  as  to  hesitate  between  an  Empire 
with  a  despot  at  its  head,  whose  aim  is  the  dis- 
semination of  wealth  and  its  advantages,  and  a 
Republic  which  tolerates  a  privileged  class  of 
citizens  who,  protected  by  law,  are  striving  for 
the  monopoly  of  all  that  wealth  brings  ?  As 
well  expect  an  intelligent  man  to  prefer  an  inn 
where  the  fare  is  poor  and  scanty,  but  whose 
sign  is  the  cap  of  Liberty,  to  one  with  a  crown 
and  sceptre  over  the  entrance,  where  a  rich  feast 
awaits  him. 

It  is  manifest,  therefore,  that  the  dismissal  of 
Royalty  was  not  due  to  purely  political  causes. 
Furthermore,  it  would  never  have  been  resorted 
to,  had  it  not  been  thought  that,  under  a  differ- 
ent regime,  different  conditions  would  have  en- 
sued. How  could  it  be  expected  that  the  mere 
removal  of  a  king,  or  of  a  score  of  kings,  could, 


96  THE  REVOLUTIONARY    TENDENCIES. 

in  itself,  prove  advantageous  to  the  people,  un- 
less the  king  himself  stood  in  the  way  of  their 
advancement,  and  unless  the  nev^r  order,  v^rhich 
it  was  proposed  to  adopt  in  lieu  of  the  old  one, 
aimed  at  their  promotion  and  welfare  ?  Why- 
overthrow  a  government  which  is  accused  of 
being  the  cause  of  the  misfortunes  of  the  nation, 
unless  for  the  purpose  of  freeing  the  nation  of 
those  very  misfortunes  ?  Why  dethrone  a  prince 
whose  extravagance  is  ruining  the  country,  un- 
less the  object  be  to  allow  the  inhabitants 
thereof  to  apply  to  themselves  that  which  the 
prince  wasted  ? 

Under  the  circumstances,  the  subversion  of 
Monarchy,  and  its  eventual  substitution  by  De- 
mocracy, was  the  most  insane,  the  most  purpose- 
less, the  most  inconsistent,  the  most  eccentric, 
the  most  incomprehensible,  of  acts,  unless  in 
doing  so  the  people  contemplated  benefiting 
themselves  in  the  manner  alluded  to  ;  nor  is  it 
reasonable  to  come  to  any  other  conclusion  than 
that — however  concealed  by  artificial  and  ex- 
traneous excitements — the  real  cause  of  the 
Revolution  was  economic  and  not  political,  and 
that  whatever  political  changes  were  aimed  at, 
were  aimed  at  to  secure  economic  effects. 


OF   THE  AGE.  97 

These  economic  effects  are  still  to  be  realized. 
Lulled,  at  first,  into  the  soothing  belief  that  the 
hasty  demolition  of  forms  meant  the  early  re- 
moval of  the  cause  of  their  grievances;  lured, 
later  on,  by  the  delusive  hope  that  the  fairy -like 
development  of  newly-discovered  forces,  the  ex- 
pansion of  Industry,  and  the  consequent  fabu- 
lous increase  of  wealth,  might  induce  Fortune 
to  cast  some  of  her  flowers  in  their  path,  the  peo- 
ple have  seen  many  years  slip  by,  without  any 
material  change  being  effected  in  their  position. 
But  is  not  this  change  bound  to  be  brought 
about  ?  Are  not  the  economic  effects  referred 
to  already  beginning  to  manifest  themselves  ? 
Are  there  not  indications  that  the  tendency  to 
restrict  the  undue  advantages  of  the  few,  and 
increase  the  opportunities  of  the  many,  which 
seemed,  for  a  time,  to  be  dying  out,  is  taking 
new  life,  and  making  itself  felt  with  renewed 
force  ?  Is  it  not  evident  that  the  revolution, 
the  general  revolution,  caused  by  the  spread  of 
Knowledge — and  of  which  the  upheavals  of  the 
last  century  were  but  incidents — far  from  being 
ended,  is  still  progressing  towards  its  legitimate, 
its  only,  issue  ? 

Glance  over  the  field — everywhere  are  signs, 
glaring  to  the  observing  eye.     The  restlessness 


98  THE  REVOLUTIONARY   TENDENCIES 

of  the  masses,  the  mutterings  of  discontent,  the 
cries  for  reform,  for  change,  which  are  becoming 
more  and  more  regular,  more  and  more  general, 
in  America  as  well  as  in  Europe,  are  but  fore- 
runners of  what  is  to  follow. 

In  what  country,  be  it  a  Democracy  or  a 
Monarchy,  is  not  uneasiness  felt  at  the  progress 
of  what  is  known  as  the  conflict  between  Cap- 
ital and  Labor,  or  what  might  be  better  termed, 
the  conflict  between  Wealth  and  Poverty  ? 
The  fact  that  republics  are  not  exempt  from 
this  uneasiness,  is  proof  that  they  have  not 
solved,  any  more  than  have  monarchies,  the  one 
and  all  important  question  affecting  the  welfare 
of  the  governed. 

Royalty  being  overthrown,  or  subdued,  with- 
out the  desired  end  being  attained ;  and  it  be- 
ing therefore  obvious  that  royalty  alone  was  not 
the  cause  of  the  evil,  the  people,  still  having 
grievances,  are  turning  their  attention  in  another 
direction.  Capital  is  now  threatened;  nor  is 
the  threat  an  empty  one.  The  formidable  chain 
of  organized  labor,  binding  together  powerful 
bodies  of  determined  men,  is  not  destined  to 
continue  merely  defensive.  Resistance  to 
abuses  is  inevitably  followed,  in  the  course  of 
time,  by  insistence  on  rights.     Nor  should  it 


OF   THE  AGE.  99 

be  forgotten  that,  independent  of  organized 
labor — wliicli  constitutes  a  mightier  army  than 
any  the  world  has  yet  seen — there  are  legions 
of  silent  and  inactive  protesters  against  the 
iniquities  of  the  existing  system,  who  await 
but  the  opportunity  to  make  their  influence 
felt.  It  would  be  a  grievous  error  to  suppose 
that  the  element  of  discontent  is  by  any  means 
fully  represented  in  any  of  the  recognized 
political  parties.  The  millions  of  voters  in 
imperial  Germany,  monarchical  Italy,  and  re- 
publican France,  who,  every  election,  send  an 
increased  number  of  socialist  representatives  to 
the  legislative  halls  of  their  country,  form  but 
a  small  contingent  of  those  who  will,  before 
long,  raise  their  voices  against  the  usurpation 
of  the  rights  of  Intelligence,  against  the  abuses 
of  inheritance,  and  the  long  tolerated  tyranny 
of  inordinate  wealth.  Even  as  matters  now 
stand,  is  not  Berlin — the  home  of  the  war-lords 
of  Europe — also  the  home  of  the  socialist  ? 
Though  one  of  the  great  financial  centres  of 
the  Continent,  do  not  the  avowed  enemies  of 
Capital  sit  as  her  representatives  in  the  Reich- 
stag ?  Does  not  Paris,  with  her  lingering 
memories  of  regal  splendors,  now  count  among 
her  rulers,  men  who  oppose  the  despotism  of 


100         THE  REVOLUTIONARY    TENDENCIES 

Wealth  no  less  than  the  despotism  of  Princes  ? 
And  Rome,  and  Vienna,  and  London,  and  the 
populous  cities  of  the  great  American  Common- 
wealth, are  they  not  familiar  with  the  turbu- 
lence which  springs  from  dissatisfaction  and  the 
strain  in  the  economic  relations  of  the  classes  ? 

Signs — where,  indeed,  are  they  not  seen  ? 
Voices — where,  by  day  or  by  night,  are  they 
not  heard  ?  And  yet  there  are  those  who  see 
not ;  there  are  those  who  hear  not. 

In  the  ancient  city  of  hanging  gardens, 
Belshazzar,  indulging  in  higli  revelry,  sur- 
rounded by  satraps,  wives,  and  concubines, 
was  not  blind  to  the  writing  on  the  wall. 
Struck  with  awe,  he  commanded  the  feast  to 
end  ;  he  sent  for  men  of  lore,  to  interpret  the 
mystic  words ;  he  recognized  in  them  portents 
of  his  impending  fate.  In  the  Babylons  of 
modern  times,  Mammon,  surrounded  by  min- 
ions and  courtiers,  attended  by  slaves  of  form 
divine,  is  still  feasting  in  gilded  halls.  En- 
trancing are  the  strains  of  music,  sweet  the 
fragrance  of  flowers,  exhilarating  the  golden 
wine  which  flows  from  crystal  goblets ;  but 
he,  drunk  with  pleasure,  dazed  by  the  glamour 
of  his  environment,  sees  not  the  writing  on 
the  wall.     Yet  there  it  is  in  flaming  letters  : 


OF  THE  AGE.  1 01 


Mene,  mene,  tehel,  upharsin — 

Thou   art   weighed  in  the"  baia?ice   mdi'sxt 
found  wanting  ;  thy  kingdom  awaits  division. 
*  *  *  ■  ^•\  \ ,  A  ; ' '» ,  *  i '",''?  "'1  \  S'\ 

Tides  in  the  affairs  of  nations,  once  they  set 
in,  do  not  vary  from  day  to  day,  like  those  of 
the  ocean.  There  may  be  periods  of  surging 
tumult  or  of  peaceful  calm ;  there  may  be  flux 
or  reflux;  but  the  movement,  whether  back- 
ward or  forward,  is  destined  to  follow  to  its 
limits  the  course  which  the  inexorable  Fates 
have  traced. 

For  centuries,  the  tendency  was  to  reduce  to 
a  minimum  the  rights  of  the  people,  and  in- 
crease to  a  maximum  those  of  the  ruler.  One 
was  crushed,  the  other  exalted;  one  was  a 
trembling  subject,  the  other  supreme  master. 
Now  the  tendency  is  reversed ;  the  tide  is  set 
in  the  opposite  direction.  It  is  in  the  higher 
quarters  that  restrictions  are  being  exacted, 
while  they  are  being  relaxed  there  where  op- 
pression was  formerly  practised.  Those  who 
were  exalted,  are  being  lowered — masters  no 
longer,  but  servants  of  the  State ;  those  who 
were  crushed,  are  being  exalted — subjects  no 
longer,  but  sovereign  people. 

The  tide  which  has  turned  against  princes 


1 02  THE  REVOLU TIONA R  V  TENDENCIES 

and  nobles,  must  overtake,  in  its  resistless  course, 
all  tliose  who.  nq\','  »enjoy  undue  advantages  and 
pri\dleges.  "  The  financial  king  will  have  to 
su^InittQ  the' Hternutive  presented  to  the  polit- 
ical king,  of  reduction,  or  destruction,  of  his 
powers ;  of  bowing  to  the  general  will,  or  hav- 
ing his  crown  removed  by  other  hands  than  his 
own.  He  will  have  to  consent  to  the  elimina- 
tion of  those  abuses  which  he  has  fostered,  and 
which  are  the  cause  of  the  people's  just  remon- 
strance. He  will  have  to  accede  to  a  reorgani- 
zation which  will  tend  to  give  fair  opportunities 
to  all  in  the  contest  for  the  prizes  of  life.  He 
will  have  to  surrender  to  others  a  portion  of 
that  which  he  now  monopolizes — the  sunshine 
of  this  broad,  this  fair,  earth. 

If,  when  pressed  by  necessity,  the  people 
resisted  extravagance  in  one  who  was,  by  law, 
their  master,  mil  they  tolerate  it  long  in  those 
who  are,  by  law,  their  equals  ?  If,  when  but 
half  conscious  of  the  iniquities  that  weighed 
upon  them,  their  action  was  so  determined,  is 
it  difficult  to  foresee  what  they  will  do  when 
their  illusions  have  vanished ;  when  full  knowl- 
edge has  dawned  upon  them;  when  they  dis- 
cover that  the  tyranny  of  great  wealth  is  no  less 
oppressive  than  the  tyranny  of  despots  ? 


OF  THE   AGE.  103 

And,  in  imitation  of  the  autocrats — their  pre- 
decessors in  the  control  of  this  world — are  not 
the  plutocrats  compassing  their  own  ruin  ?  The 
ambition  to  consolidate  their  power,  to  increase 
it,  to  deprive  others  of  any  share  therein,  and 
to  use  it  for  the  exclusive  advantage  and  aggran- 
dizement of  themselves  and  their  minions,  caused 
the  fall  of  mighty  dynasties.  What  seemed  to 
be  their  triumph  was,  in  reality,  the  forerunner 
of  their  downfall.  Like  that  of  the  setting  sun, 
their  glory  was  greatest  as  it  was  about  to  de- 
part. So,  likewise,  the  reign  of  Mammon,  now 
at  its  apogee,  is  on  the  verge  of  its  decline.  So, 
likewise,  are  those  who  have  the  greatest  inter- 
est in  maintaining  it,  bringing  about  its  subver- 
sion. They  are  provoking,  stimulating,  consoli- 
dating, the  forces  which  are  antagonistic  to  their 
supremacy.  They  are,  in  their  blindness,  hurry- 
ing forward  the  economic  revolution  which 
means  the  collapse  of  their  power,  the  end  of 
theii*  rule. 

The  accumulation  of  wealth  in  one  quarter  ; 
its  scarcity  in  another,  have  disturbed  the  social 
balance.  Some  rise  to  dizzy  heights ;  others 
fall  to  perilous  depths.  The  very  foundations 
of  the  social  structure  are  being  worn  out  by 
the  consequent  fi^iction.     Such  a  state  of  things 


104  ^^^  REVOLUTIONARY  TENDENCIES 

prohibits  the  possibility  of  equilibrium.  It  is 
this  lack  of  equilibrium  which  threatens  to  up- 
set society.  The  policy  of  accretions  in  the 
hands  of  the  few  is  persisted  in,  not^vith standing 
the  fact  that  the  number  of  people  to  be  pro- 
vided for  is  continually  growing  larger.  Popu- 
lation is  ever  on  the  increase.  The  majority  of 
the  population  being  poor,  the  majority  of  the 
increase  must  be  poor.  This  is  cumulative  in 
its  effects  in  the  same  manner  as  the  hoarding 
of  riches  is  cumulative.  Hence,  while  wealth 
is  being  concentrated,  the  population  which  is 
dependent  thereon  is  expanding.  Thus,  matters, 
instead  of  tending  toward  an  adjustment,  are 
daily  drifting  therefrom.  Those  who  are  least 
in  need  of  wealth  are  growing  wealthier ;  those 
who  are  most  in  need  of  it  are  growing  more 
numerous.  The  inevitable  result  is  at  hand ; 
the  civilized  world  is  drifting  into  two  camps  ; 
the  few,  with  their  opulence,  on  one  side;  the 
many,  with  their  poverty,  on  the  other.  Tests 
of  strength  are  becoming  more  frequent ;  skir- 
mishes have  ceased  to  cause  wonder.  Under 
such  circumstances  as  these,  it  requires  no 
prophet  to  foretell  that  the  mists  of  the  Future, 
on  rising,  will  reveal  emissaries  of  Peace  and 
Compromise   emerging   from   the   ramparts  of 


OF  THE  AGE.  1 05 

Capital,  or  the  world,  in  turmoil,  resounding 
with  the  alarm  of  battle. 

The  issue  must  be  met ;  it  cannot  be  averted 
any  more  than  can  thunder  when  electric  clouds 
clash.  Should  the  pressure  not  be  lessened; 
should  the  storm,  long  gathering,  break  forth, 
ruin  and  devastation  will  sweep  over  the  land ; 
the  social  structure,  vulnerable  in  many  points 
— constantly  agitated,  because  unevenly  bal- 
anced— will  not  withstand  the  shock. 

In  the  olden  days,  when  human  affairs  were 
in  the  early  stage  of  development  and  the  mass 
of  men  were  ignorant,  the  unevenness  of  condi- 
tions was  consistent  with  the  then  existing  state 
of  things ;  but  the  time  is  at  hand  when  undue 
preponderance  will  prove  as  much  an  element 
of  disturbance  in  the  economic,  as  it  is  in  the 
physical,  world;  when  it  will  be  an  offense 
against  laws  self-armed  with  retribution  to  all 
infringers  thereof.  Disturb  the  equilibrium  of 
the  heavenly  bodies,  and  chaos  will  pervade  the 
universe ;  the  marvellous  organization  of  ages, 
extending  through  space,  will  crumble  before 
the  fatal  influence  of  anarchism ;  all  order,  all 
system,  all  harmony,  will  vanish. 

Can  man  expect  his  frail  edifice  to  stand  con- 
ditions which  would  cause  the  mighty  fabric  of 


I06  THE  REVOLUTIONARY  TENDENCIES 

Nature  to  fall  ?     Can  he  hope  to  defy  laws,  to 

resist  a  force,  before  which  all  else  must  bend  ? 

%  ft  %  %  * 

Two  monarch  s,  whose  interests  are  diametri- 
cally opposed,  cannot  long  occupy  the  same  terri- 
tory ;  not  any  more  than  can  fire  and  water 
occupy  the  same  space.  We  are  approaching 
the  period  when  enlightened  Democracy  and 
privileged  Plutocracy — the  Sovereign  People 
and  the  Majesty  of  Wealth — will  be  made  to 
realize  the  fact  that  their  paths  lie  apart ;  that 
their  interests  are  antagonistic ;  that  they  are 
two  powers  which  cannot,  should  not,  exist  un- 
der the  same  head.  If  Democracy  lives,  Plutoc- 
racy must  fall ;  if  Plutocracy  lives.  Democracy 
must  fall ;  if  Democracy  falls,  the  great  civili- 
zations of  the  West  mil  crumble ;  the  hidden 
forces  which  have  toiled  for  centuries  will  have 
toiled  in  vain  ;  cause  and  effect  will  be  discon- 
nected. 

Democracy,  in  its  full,  and  as  yet  unfulfilled, 
sense,  implies  the  supremacy  of  the  people  and 
the  predominance  of  their  interests ;  just  as 
Monarchy,  in  its  full  sense,  implies  the  suprem- 
acy of  the  monarch  and  the  predominance  of  his 
interests ;  just  as  Aristocracy,  in  its  full  sense, 
implies  the  supremacy  of  the  aristocracy  and 


OF  THE  AGE.  lO/ 

the  predominance  of  their  interests.  But  though 
the  supremacy  of  Democracy  is  recognized,  we 
see  the  strange  spectacle  of  the  interests  of  Plu- 
tocracy being  predominant.  The  first  enjoys 
sovereignty ;  the  second  all  the  fruit  of  sov- 
ereignty. 

Nor  does  the  anomaly,  which  the  existing 
state  of  things  presents,  end  here.  Plutocracy 
is,  beyond  contradiction,  pursuing  a  course 
which  is  detrimental  to  the  general  welfare. 
Enjoying  prerogatives  inherited  from  despotic 
ages,  it  has  acquired  a  power  dangerous  to  the 
State  ;  claiming  undue  privileges,  of  an  artificial 
nature,  it  has  infringed  on  the  natural  rights  of 
the  community ;  parading  itself  as  of  superior 
origin,  it  has,  in  imitation  of  the  favored  classes 
of  old,  sought  to  stamp  the  remainder  of  man- 
kind as  an  inferior  creation ;  arrogating  to  itself 
the  luxuries  and  pleasures  of  life,  it  deems 
drudgery  the  lot  of  all  beyond  its  pale ;  schem- 
ing incessantly  for  its  own  aggrandizement,  it 
enlarges  the  sphere  of  poverty  and  consequent 
discontent ;  producing  moral  as  well  as  physical 
distress,  it  is  awakening  in  the  people  a  frame 
of  mind  similar  to  that  which  animated  them  in 
1789,  and  incited  them  to  rebellion  ;  inciting  the 
people   to  rebellion,  it   threatens   government 


I08  THE  REVOLUTIONARY  TENDENCIES 

itself.  Yet,  paradoxical  as  it  may  appear,  the 
latter,  as  at  present  constituted,  is  powerless  to 
an-est  this  evil  course.  Its  first,  its  imperative, 
duty  is  to  enforce  the  laws  as  they  now  stand. 
The  main  purpose  of  existing  laws  is  to  protect 
property.  The  bulk  of  property  being  in  the 
hands  of  the  minority,  it  is  manifest  that  laws, 
and  consequently  government,  are  mainly  for 
the  benefit  of  the  minority.  It  is  the  latter, 
representing  accumulated  w^ealth,  who,  by  their 
greed  and  aiTogance,  are  inciting  the  people  to 
rebellion,  and  are  thus  menacing  the  State ;  yet 
the  State  is  compelled  to  protect  and  uphold 
them,  and  thus  become  a  factor  in  the  revolt 
against  itself. 

What  power  is  there,  in  heaven  or  on  earth, 
which,  if  appealed  to,  could  save  that  which  is 
impelled  to  take  arms  against  itseK,  and  carries 
in  its  system  the  germ  of  self-destiTiction  ?  What 
genius,  however  inventive,  can  devise  argu- 
ments to  defend  the  consistency  of  a  government 
w^hich,  representing  the  interests  of  the  majority 
of  the  governed,  is  bound,  by  law,  to  sustain 
the  rapacity  of  the  minority  ?  What,  with  all 
the  good- will  conceivable,  can  be  urged  in  favor 
of  laws  which,  in  their  actual  form,  can  offer  no 
relief  to  great  numbers  suffering  from  the  asso- 


OF  THE  AGE.  1 09 

elation  of  poverty,  the  sting  of  iniquity,  and  the 
oppression  of  a  dominant  class ;  and  are  com- 
pelled to  gather  under  their  protecting  wing 
that  same  class  which,  surfeited  with  wealth,  is 
striving  to  acquire  more  ? 

How  long  can  the  absurdity  of  this  paradox 
remain  obscured  to  the  people  ?  How  long  can 
they  remain  blind  to  its  glaringness  ?  On  this 
will  depend  the  duration  of  the  present  incon- 
gruous state  of  things,  so  offensive  to  right  and 
reason;  on  this  will  depend  the  fixing  of  the 
date  when  the  great,  the  practical,  change  will 
take  place ;  when  the  two  rival  monarchs, 
Plutocracy  and  Democracy,  will  part  company ; 
the  first  to  wander  back  among  the  ruins  of 
Antiquity  and  Ignorance ;  the  second  to  step  for- 
ward and  occupy,  with  undisputed  power,  the 
throne  which  Progress  and  Enlightenment  have 
prepared  for  its  triumph. 

Vi*  vT  w  W  w 

Not  the  least  notable  feature  of  the  revolu- 
tion which  is  progressing ;  not  the  least  striking 
evidence  of  the  tendencies  of  the  times,  is  the 
transfer  of  political  power  from  the  king  and  the 
privileged  classes  to  the  nation  at  large.  This 
power,  wielded  by  the  sovereign,  was  the  most 
visible  sign  of  authority  in  the  land  ;  it  towered 


no  THE  REVOLUTIONARY  TENDENCIES 

over  and  above  the  multitudes ;  it  impressed  the 
popular  eye  ;  it  occupied  the  public  thought  ; 
it  was  the  subject  of  public  comment.  Hence, 
when  Monarchy  fell,  it  was  natural  that  this 
power  should  be  inherited  by  those  who  were 
destined  to  be  the  successors  of  kings :  the 
sovereign  people. 

New  causes  produce  new^  effects.  Political 
power  in  the  hands  of  the  masses  is  a  new  cause, 
born  of  the  modern  intellectual  development, 
the  inevitable  effects  of  which  are  beginning  to 
be  felt,  but,  as  already  stated,  by  no  means 
adequately  understood. 

Humanity  craves  for  power.  It  is,  in  some 
form  or  other,  the  dominant  passion  of  the  race. 
It  is  the  chosen  guide  to  victory  in  the  universal 
battle  of  life.  Man  loves  it  in  nearly  all  its  as- 
pects, and  seeks  it  even  elsewhere  than  in  him- 
self. He  dives  deep  into  the  mysteries  of  the 
Unknown,  in  quest  of  hidden  agencies.  From 
the  domain  of  Nature  he  has  wrested  marvellous 
forces,  which  he  has  made  his  own  and  enslaved 
to  his  daily  purposes.  Nor  is  he  yet  satisfied. 
Stealing  fire  from  the  heavens,  propulsion  from 
the  winds,  electricity  from  the  clouds,  currents 
from  the  earth,  are  but  initial  steps  in  the 
ambitious  course    in  which,  with  "  Excelsior " 


OF   THE  AGE.  Ill 

for  his  device,  he  strives  to  ascertain,  maybe  to 
use,  the  powers  which  formed  and  sustain  the 
universe. 

But  if  man  craves  for  power,  he  craves  it  for 
a  purpose  ;  if  he  seeks  it,  it  is  because  it  is  use- 
ful to  him ;  it  is  because  it  advances  his  cause, 
serves  his  interests,  helps  improve  his  condition. 
This  it  is  which  constitutes  the  might  of  wealth ; 
this  it  is  which  emphasizes  the  impotency  of 
poverty  ;  this  it  is  which  makes  all  men  strive 
for  riches. 

Without  a  purpose,  visible  or  latent,  power 
cannot  be  said  to  exist.  What,  then,  is  the 
purpose  of  political  power  ?  To  what  use  will 
it  be  put  by  the  people,  who  are  now  masters 
thereof  ?  Let  those  who  believe  it  to  be  an 
idle  phrase,  a  pleasing  sound,  intended  to  flatter 
the  ear  of  the  multitude,  be  undeceived.  It  is 
a  formidable  weapon,  the  use  of  which  is  au- 
thorized by  law,  with  which  they  will  go  forth, 
some  day,  to  claim  a  share  of  Mother  Earth's 
inheritance. 

Princes  and  privileged  classes,  when  this 
same  power  was  vested  in  them,  were  not  loth 
to  use  it  to  their  own  advantage  and  advance- 
ment. What  marvel,  then,  if  its  new  possessors 
should  imitate  their  example  ? 


1 1 2  THE  RE  VOL  UTIONAR  Y  TENDENCIES 

If  given  the  ballot,  the  masses  may  be  ex- 
pected, sooner  or  later,  to  agitate  for  a  fairer 
division  of  the  wealth  of  the  land;  if  given 
education  in  conjunction  with  the  ballot,  they 
will  surely  demand  and  obtain  that  division ; 
nay,  it  is  a  direct  invitation  to  the  many  to  par- 
take of  the  royal  feast  now  spread  in  Mammon's 
halls. 

The  mental  improvement  produced,  in  recent 
years,  by  the  education  of  the  masses,  must  in- 
evitably be  followed  by  a  corresponding  im- 
provement in  their  material  situation.  It  is  a 
change  of  conditions,  which  calls  for  a  change 
of  laws  ;  it  is  a  turning-point  in  the  transitional 
affairs  of  men.  This  being  the  case,  the  pur- 
pose of  the  political  power  of  the  people  cannot 
long  remain  latent ;  nor  can  it  long  be  resisted 
once  it  asserts  itself.  Indeed,  under  Democra- 
cies, resistance  to  this  power  would  be  a  breach 
of  the  first,  the  supreme,  law ;  with  the  sover- 
eign nation  as  the  high-offended  party,  it  would 
be  a  flagrant  case  of  lese-majeste. 

The  actual  magnitude  of  the  power  of  steam 
and  electricity  was  unknown  in  the  first  stages 
of  their  discovery.  In  time,  study  and  obser- 
vation, as  well  as  necessity,  revealed  the  univer- 
sality of  the  new  forces ;  their  influence  began 


OF    THE  AGE.  II3 

to  be  felt  in  every  quarter  of  the  globe  ;  their 
uses  becanie  well-nigh  unlimited ;  old  methods 
were  abandoned,  new  ones  adopted.  Changes, 
of  which  the  imagination,  in  its  wildest  flights, 
had  never  dreamed,  were  visible  on  all  sides. 
Enemies  of  innovation  were  routed ;  skeptics 
were  ridiculed ;  critics  were  silenced.  The  most 
far-seeing  genius  of  former  ages,  revisiting  this 
mundane  sphere,  would  have  deemed  himself 
in  a  land  over  which  the  enchanter's  wand  had 
passed.  The  aspect  of  cities  was  altered ;  the 
country  was  transformed.  Structures,  novel  in 
appearance,  dotted  the  plains  and  reached  nearer 
the  sky  than  the  spires  of  churches,  and  the 
trees  of  the  forest.  Labor,  which  formerly  re- 
quired human  effort,  was  performed  as  though 
by  magic.  Highways  of  steel  ran  from  ocean 
to  ocean,  spanning  immense  continents,  regard- 
less of  mountains  and  rivers.  Distances  which 
had  demanded  days  to  cover,  were  reached  in 
a  few  hours.  The  electric  wire  encircled  the 
earth,  and  communication  with  the  remotest 
points  became  instantaneous.  Time  and  space 
were  conquered  ;  the  world  was  revolutionized. 
And  so  is  it  with  political  power.  It  is  a 
new  force  in  the  hands  of  the  multitude.  Its 
vastness,  its  possibilities  are,  as  yet,  imperfectly 


114         ^^^  REVOLUTIONARY    TENDENCIES 

appreciated.  But  the  people  are  not  idle  ;  they 
are  studying,  they  are  observing;  above  all, 
they  are,  by  means  of  education  and  by  force 
of  necessity,  becoming  familiar  with  its  uses. 
When  these  are  fully  understood  and  mastered  ; 
when  they  are  put  into  intelligent  operation, 
there  will  be  a  hum  in  the  air  to  which  the  ear 
is  at  present  unaccustomed  ;  there  will  be  inno- 
vations which  conservatism  now  opposes  with 
steadfast  stubbornness,  which  skeptics  now  pro- 
nounce impracticable,  which  critics  now  ridicule 
and  condemn  as  subversive;  we  shall  witness 
in  the  economic  world  a  revolution  no  less  re- 
markable— and  in  time,  no  less  beneficial — than 
that  produced  in  the  industrial  world  by  the 
agency  of  steam  and  electricity. 


OF   THE  AGE.  II5 


CHAPTER  IX. 

WHAT    COUESE    SHALL    ENLIGHTENED    DEMOCEACY 
FOLLOW  ? 

AS  the  people  become  more  enlightened,  in- 
dications of  the  eventual  disappearance 
of  the  conditions  which  sprung  from  ignorance 
multiply.  These  indications  have,  in  recent 
times,  increased  to  such  an  extent,  and  assumed 
such  a  definite  aspect,  that  the  nature  of  the 
movement  they  portend  can  no  longer  be  ig- 
nored. Democracy — being  gradually  instructed 
and  fully  equipped — is  now  a  moving,  living, 
thinking  force,  whose  influence  is  universally 
felt,  and  whose  power  must  become  the  domi- 
nant power — not  in  name  merely,  but  in  fact. 
This  supremacy  will  be  used  to  advance  the 
interests  of  those  who  enjoy  it ;  it  will,  neces- 
sarily, call  for  a  readjustment  of  the  affairs  of 
this  world  on  a  basis  consistent  with  the  new 
condition  of  things,  and  which  will  differ  ma- 
terially from  that  which  prevailed  when  the 
people  were  densely  ignorant,  and  which  pre- 
vails, in  its  main  features,  to  this  day. 


Il6         THE  REVOLUTIONARY    TENDENCIES 

What,  then,  shall  be  the  basis  of  the  new  ar- 
rangement ?  Since  a  change  is  inevitable,  in 
what  shall  the  change  consist  ? 

It  is  a  common  impulse  to  oscillate  from  one 
extreme  to  the  other.  The  momentum  which 
propels  us,  having  exhausted  itself  in  one  direc- 
tion, becomes  instrumental  in  propelling  us  in 
the  opposite  direction.  We  swing  from  love  to 
hatred,  from  calmness  to  anger,  from  hope  to 
despair,  without  stopping,  at  so  important  a 
juncture,  to  consult  wisdom,  which  would,  be- 
yond peradventure,  urge  him  who  suffers  the 
pangs  of  unrequited  love,  to  avoid  further 
misery  and  seek  consolation  in  paying  court  to 
indifference  ;  would  whisper  to  him  whose  calm- 
ness has  been  provoked  to  the  point  of  anger, 
that  tempered  indignation  will  disarm  his  ad- 
versary quicker  than  a  surrender  to  passion  ; 
would  direct  deceived  hope  from  the  sombre 
path  of  despair,  and  guide  it  to  the  peaceful 
abode  of  resignation. 

If  then,  in  personal  matters,  wisdom  raises  a 
warning  finger  to  impulse,  how  much  more  im- 
pressive must  be  its  warning  in  matters  which 
concern  the  race  ? 

Those  who,  protesting  against  the  abuses  of 
the  existing  system,  advocate  its  annihilation, 


OF   THE  AGE.  WJ 

are  of  the  opinion  that  we  should  swing — some 
say  slowly,  others  swiftly — from  the  absolutism 
of  capital  to  absolute  socialism.  It  is  in  this 
direction  they  are  endeavoring  to  guide  Democ- 
racy when,  realizing  its  power,  it  shall  have 
overthrown  Plutocracy  and  assumed  supreme 
control. 

Ere  adopting  this  course,  it  were  well  to 
pause.  The  fear  is  lest  Democracy,  in  com- 
pletely subverting  the  existing  system,  should 
damage  its  own  cause.  Victories  there  are 
which  might  prove  more  disastrous  than  de- 
feats. Disastrous,  indeed,  would  be  the  vic- 
tory which  would  consist  in  having  demolished 
the  present  social  structure,  without  having  pre- 
pared a  better  one  for  the  protection  of  the 
race ;  futile  would  be  the  ejfforts  to  improve 
man's  estate,  if,  in  the  attempt  to  do  so,  he  is  to 
be  considered — not  as  he  is,  with  his  foibles, 
his  propensities,  his  ambitions,  but  as  he  might 
be — an  ideal  being,  a  creature  of  the  imagina- 
tion. 

To  him  who  can  take  wings  and  soar  beyond 
the  realms  of  prejudice  and  self-interest ;  to 
him  who  can  look  down  on  humanity  as  being 
swayed  by  the  highest  and  purest  motives ;  to 
him  who  is  convinced  that  the  proclamation  to 


Il8         THE  REVOLUTIONARY   TENDENCIES 

man  of  the  moral  and  tlie  physical  law,  will 
ensure  the  strict  observance  of  those  laws ;  to 
him,  absolute  socialism  is  not  only  the  most  per- 
fect and  most  equitable  of  systems  devised  by 
mortal,  but  also  the  most  practicable.  Indeed, 
who  can  fail  to  accord  it  praise,  and  concede  to 
its  devisers  and  followers  honesty  of  purpose 
and  sincere  love  of  mankind  ? 

The  conception  of  socialism  is  the  natural 
outgrowth  of  the  evils  of  capitalism — which 
evils  it  proposes  to  eradicate.  While  the  ex- 
isting system  betrays  many  inconsistencies,  in- 
justices, and  imperfections,  socialism  aims  at 
universal  consistency,  universal  justice,  univer- 
sal perfection.  Surely,  no  purpose  could  be 
higher,  nobler,  than  this.  But  so  beautiful,  so 
elevated,  is  the  conception  of  absolute  socialism, 
that  it  partakes  of  the  ideal,  and  one  is  tempted  > 
to  question  its  applicability  to  real  men,  living 
in  a  real  world.  It  is  to  be  feared  that  its  per- 
manent adoption  would  imply  less  of  a  social, 
than  a  moral,  revolution,  and  that  man's  nature 
would  have  to  undergo  changes  far  more  diffi- 
cult to  obtain  than  any  to  which  his  institutions 
would  have  to  submit. 

Absolute  socialism,  though  eminently  just  in 
principle,  is  to  be  condemned  because,  in  prac- 


OF  THE  AGE.  1 19 

tice,  it  would,  by  destroying  the  stimulus  to 
energy  and  genius,  prove  detrimental  to  the 
race.  Plutocracy,  which  is  virtually  supreme 
to-day,  is  to  be  no  less  condemned ;  for  it  is  not 
only  not  just,  but  is  nearly  as  detrimental  to 
the  race  at  large  as  absolute  socialism  would 
be,  if  adopted ;  and,  moreover,  it  is  in  direct 
opposition  to  the  spirit  of  Democracy,  whose 
interests  are  destined  to  become  paramount. 

What,  then,  is  to  be  done  ?  On  one  side  we 
have  a  system  which,  so  long  as  it  is  burdened 
with  its  iniquitous  favoritism,  should  not,  and 
cannot  endure;  on  the  other,  a  proposed,  and 
the  only  seriously  proposed,  substitute,  which, 
while  claiming  to  favor  all,  would  prove  ruinous 
to  some  and  beneficial  to  none.  One  is  destined 
to  fall  by  the  weight  of  its  own  defects ;  the 
other  cannot  be  raised  owing  to  the  frail  foun- 
dation on  which  it  would  rest. 

To  attain  its  end,  to  fulfil  its  mission,  is  it 
necessary  for  Democracy  to  go  to  extremes,  and 
completely  subvert  the  actual  order?  Should 
it,  casting  aside  its  proud  claim  to  enlighten- 
ment, disregard  the  admonitions  of  wisdom,  and 
follow  its  blind  impulses  ?  However  superficial 
in  its  superstructure,  the  existing  system  is  not 
without  solidity  in  its  foundation.     It  is  not 


120         THE  REVOLUTIONARY    TENDENCIES 

faulty  in  its  conceptioD,  but  in  its  execution ; 
not  in  its  piineiples,  but  in  their  application. 
Should  it  perish,  should  it  be  condemned  in  its 
entirety,  because  certain  abuses — great  and  rep- 
rehensible, it  is  true — have  invaded  its  sphere? 
Should  emulation,  which  might  be  made  to 
encourage  industry,  and  keep  in  play  the  ener- 
gies which  are  the  mainspring  of  the  race,  be 
cast  aside  as  detrimental  to  mankind,  because 
a  few  have  overstepped  the  equitable  lines  of 
competition,  and  arrogated  to  themselves  more 
and  richer  prizes  than  the  general  welfare  would 
suggest,  or  than  justice  should  tolerate  ?  Should 
we  sacrifice  benefits  which  ai'e  within  reach,  to 
grasp  blindly  at  that  which  our  better  sense 
tells  us  is  undesirable  and,  as  we  are  at  present 
constituted,  unattainable,  if  it  were  desirable  ? 
Shall  we  resort  to  a  course  of  demolition  and 
devastation,  when  by  altering  or  by  pruning 
we  can  attain  the  desired  end  ?  Shall  we  fore- 
go the  actual  order  and  forfeit  all  its  possible 
advantages,  or  do  away  with  its  glaring  con- 
trasts and  excessive  favoritism — which  are  its 
main,  if  not  its  sole,  defects — and  thus  make  it 
consistent  with  the  aims,  the  spirit,  of  enlight- 
ened Democracy  ?  Shall  we  take  steps,  and 
decisive  steps,  to  arrest  the  greed  of  the  few 


OF  THE  AGE.  121 

and  mitigate  the  wants  of  the  many ;  to  curtail 
the  privileges  of  some  and  recognize  the  rights 
of  others  ?  Shall  we,  in  one  word,  attempt 
what  is  possible,  because  in  the  realms  of  Real- 
ity ;  or  venture  on  the  impossible,  in  the  allur- 
ing but  impenetrable  fields  of  Idealism  ? 

jjs  Hi  *  ♦  * 

The  basis  of  the  new  arrangement  should  be 
the  one  on  which  true,  and  not  the  present 
fictitious.  Democracy  rests;  the  change  to  be 
wrought  should  consist  in  putting  into  practice 
those  popular  principles,  so  loudly  vaunted, 
which  now  exist  only  in  theory. 

True  Democracy  does  not  necessarily  imply 
government  by  the  people  ;  but  it  does  emphat- 
ically imply  government  for  the  people.  It 
requires  that  there  shall  be  no  class  enjoying 
undue  privileges,  unearned  advantages,  over 
others.  It  demands  the  enforcement  of  laws  hav- 
ing for  object  the  welfare  of  the  greatest  possible 
number  of  those  living  under  that  government. 

In  the  fulfilment  of  this  purpose,  every  ob- 
stacle should  be  removed,  every  precaution 
should  be  taken.  No  interference,  from  what- 
soever quarter,  should  be  tolerated ;  no  personal 
interests,  however  cherished,  should  be  per- 
mitted to  stand  in  the  way  of  general  interests; 


122  THE  REVOLUTIONARY    TENDENCIES 

no  claims,  however  pressing,  should  be  allowed 
which  come  in  conflict  with  the  public  weal. 

A  strong  executive,  armed  with  full  authority, 
and  with  imposing  power  to  enforce  that  au- 
thority, is  by  no  means  foreign  to  the  democra- 
tic idea.  Once  laws — clearly  stated — aiming  to 
benefit  the  nation  at  large,  to  promote  their 
welfare  and  protect  their  interests,  have  re- 
ceived the  people's  sanction,  and  are  the  ad- 
mitted expression  of  their  will,  no  executive 
can  be  too  strong  to  enforce  that  will.  His 
powers,  his  functions,  being  strictly  limited  to 
this,  he  becomes  the  personification  of  the 
people ;  his  voice  becomes  their  voice ;  his 
strong  arm  becomes  their  arm;  his  majesty 
becomes  their  majesty. 

Since  it  is  the  people  as  a  whole,  and  not  a 
class,  who  are  to  derive  the  main  benefit  under 
democratic  rule,  the  question  arises,  Wherein, 
mainly,  are  the  people  to  be  benefited  ?  The 
manifest  answer  to  this  question  is  that  they 
can  best  be  benefited  by  having  within  reach  all 
the  means  available  to  improve  their  condition. 
This  is  not  only  the  chief  end  they  are  striving 
to  attain,  but  it  is  in  this  respect  that  their 
circumstances  differ  mainly  from  those  of  the 
existing  privileged  classes.   Indeed,  the  improve- 


OF  THE  AGE.  1 23 

ment  of  their  condition  is  the  most  general 
and  at  the  same  time  the  most  reasonable 
and  legitimate  of  all  the  desires  of  civilized  men. 
It  is  the  incentive  which  has  exercised  the 
widest  influence  on  the  race;  the  one  which, 
more  than  all  others,  has  hastened  the  turning 
of  the  wheels  of  progress,  stimulated  the  spirit 
of  invention,  caused  the  fields  of  science  to  be 
explored,  made  grateful  the  task  of  study  and 
easy  the  effort  of  labor.  It  is  this  desire,  in 
some  form  or  other,  which  underlies  every  action, 
suggests  every  undertaking.  The  ultimate  ob- 
ject of  industry,  of  commerce,  of  the  arts  and  the 
sciences,  is  the  production,  the  handling,  the  per- 
f  ectionment  or  discovery  of  means  to  render  our 
sojourn  on  this  globe  as  agreeable  as  possible. 
The  millions  of  hands  who  cultivate  the  soil  and 
toil  in  factories ;  the  army  of  miners  who  pene- 
trate the  bowels  of  the  earth  in  search  of  its 
treasures  ;  the  daring  men  who  plunge  into  the 
depths  of  the  ocean  to  bring  forth  the  coveted 
pearls ;  youth  and  age  bending  over  desks ; 
authors  burning  the  midnight  oil ;  artists  labor- 
ing in  their  studios,  scientists  in  their  laborato- 
ries, statisticians  in  their  libraries,  multitudes  in 
their  garrets — all  are  animated  by  the  hope  of 
improving  their  condition. 


124  ^-^^  REVOLUTIONARY  TENDENCIES 

What,  then,  are  the  requirements  of  a  people 
in  the  furtherance  of  this  commendable  ambi- 
tion ?  Those  which  are,  perhaps,  the  most  gen- 
erally referred  to,  are  industry  and  education — 
without  which,  certainly,  no  nation  could  pro- 
gress. It  is  obvious,  however,  that  in  established 
communities,  at  least,  these  two,  alone,  cannot 
always  accomplish  the  desired  end  ;  since,  as  we 
have  seen,  the  masses  who  are  most  industrious, 
partake  of  conditions  far  less  desirable  than  those 
of  certain  classes  who  boast  of  their  indolence  ; 
and  there  are  men  of  superior  mental  training 
whose  positions  are  to  be  pitied,  while  others, 
with  inferior  or  purely  ornamental  educations, 
occupy  the  most  enviable  positions  in  life. 

Inasmuch  as  a  large  portion  of  the  population, 
with  education  and  industry,  are  not  only  una- 
ble to  better  their  situation,  but  have  to  struggle 
constantly  to  maintain  existence,  while  a  small 
portion,  who  are  strangers  to  toil  and  to  whom 
education  is  a  mere  adornment,  partake  of  con- 
ditions which,  from  a  material  standj^oint,  it 
would  be  difficult  to  better,  it  is  manifest  that 
the  latter  have  at  their  disposal  something  which 
the  former  have  not ;  something,  the  possession 
of  which  implies  an  enormous  advantage  in  pro- 
moting the   improvement   of    one's   condition, 


OF  THE  AGE.  I25 

since  it,  alone,  can  bring  about  results  which 
industry  and  education  combined  often  strive 
vainly  to  attain.  This  something,  so  marvel- 
lously effective  in  its  operation,  so  all-sufficient  to 
its  possessors,  is  v^^ealth.  This,  in  the  complex 
adjustments  of  our  social  organism,  is  the  most 
potent  factor  in  bringing  about  an  amelioration 
of  the  circumstances  of  individuals ;  for,  as  al- 
ready stated,  it  matters  not  under  what  form  of 
government — constitutional  or  despotic,  monar- 
chical or  republican — man  lives,  his  environment 
is  likely  to  be  little  affected  thereby ;  whether 
he  be  Jew  or  Gentile,  Protestant  or  Catholic, 
does  not  determine  what  advantages  he  shall 
enjoy ;  whether  he  has  political  rights  or  not, 
does  not,  'per  se,  improve  his  condition  in  life ; 
but  whether  he  be  poor  or  rich  does  most  ma- 
terially affect  his  condition.  He  may  change 
his  divinities,  or  his  rulers,  or  his  opinions, 
and  these  will  in  no  wise  change  his  station  ;  but 
let  the  size  of  his  purse  be  changed  one  way  or 
the  other  and  lo  !  he  and  his  surroundings  are 
immediately  altered,  and  the  world  is  to  him  as 
a  new  world  ;  his  powers,  his  actions,  his  de- 
sires are  amplified  or  restricted  ;  he  appears  as 
a  god  amongst  men,  or  as  a  menial  amongst 
gods.     So  manifest,  indeed,  is  the  superiority 


126  THE  REVOLUTIONARY  TENDENCIES 

which  wealth  gives  its  possessor;  so  great  is 
the  contrast  between  the  opulent  and  the  poor 
class,  that  there  is  some  excuse  for  the  impres- 
sion which  prevails  among  certain  members  of 
the  former,  that  they  are  of  a  race  superior  to 
the  latter. 

To  the  child  of  Fortune  is  given  the  golden 
key  which  opens  to  him  the  wide  world.  He 
is  a  free  man — free  to  do  what  fancy  suggests ; 
free  to  wander  where  pleasure  calls  him.  He 
is  enabled  to  secure  all  physical  and  all  men- 
tal enjoyments  and  attainments.  Circumstance 
forces  him  into  a  superior  position — too  seldom 
appreciated,  too  often  abused  ! — the  occupancy 
of  which  calls  for  little  praise ;  for,  with  the 
means  at  his  command,  it  would  be  difficult  not 
to  occupy  it,  even  when  not  inherited.  Respect, 
consideration,  distinction,  yes — and  love,  are 
within  his  easy  reach.  Abundance,  supei*fluity, 
attend  him  on  every  side.  He  is  given  of  all 
things  till  overtaken  by  satiety.  Leisure  and 
luxury,  so  craved  for  by  many,  to  him  become 
monotonous.  He  grows  weary  of  the  indulgence 
of  those  pleasures  of  which  the  multitudes  never 
taste. 

The  poor  man,  on  the  contrary,  though  he 
hears  much  of  sweet  liberty,  is  a  slave  to  adverse 


OF  THE  AGE.  127 

circumstance.  His  hands  are  chained,  his  move- 
ments circumscribed,  his  wishes  ungratified. 
He  is,  at  times,  made  to  feel  the  stinging  lash 
of  contempt,  and  bear  the  haughty  treatment  of 
domineering  masters.  He  searches,  often  in  vain, 
for  an  outlet  for  whatever  reserve  of  effort, 
energy,  and  ambition  he  may  possess.  Intelli- 
gent, educated,  may  be  refined  and  cultured,  yet 
unable,  through  lack  of  capital,  to  work  for 
himself,  he  is  not  always  allowed  the  privilege 
of  working  for  others.  He  gazes  at  this  im- 
mense earth,  and  yet  cannot  lay  claim  to  a  single 
inch  thereof.  He  lingers  at  the  threshold  of 
the  highways  of  the  world  and,  not  having  the 
wherewith  to  pay  toll,  finds  the  gates  closed  to 
him.  In  his  case,  the  struggle  is  less  to  develop 
and  perfect  latent  mental  powers,  than  to  sus- 
tain material  existence.  He  is  forced  into  an 
inferior  position ;  nor  should  any  odium  be  at- 
tached to  him  on  this  account,  for  there  are 
innumerable  and  often  insurmountable  obstacles 
in  the  way  of  his  rising.  No  matter  what  his 
capacity  and  ability,  the  occasion  to  use  these 
being  denied  him,  he  must  walk  his  lowly  path. 
Birth  and  circumstance,  which  combine  in  favor 
of  his  afifluent  rival,  are  allied  against  him,  and 
compel  him  to  strive  for  that  which  is  freely 


128  THE  REVOLUTIONARY  TENDENCIES 

proffered  the  otlier.  Yet  both  are  human,  both 
draw  life  from  the  same  source,  both  dwell 
under  the  same  azure  roof ;  both  may  be  equally 
favored  by  the  hand  of  nature  ;  but,  surely, 
both  have  not  been  equally  favored  by  the  laws 
of  man. 

The  advantages  which  the  few  who  control 
ofreat  wealth  have  over  those  who  own  little  or 
none,  are  too  evident  to  require  being  elabo- 
rately dwelt  upon.  The  opportunities  which 
riches  offer  in  the  acquiring  of  knowledge,  of 
culture  and  refinement,  as  well  as  the  comforts 
and  luxuries  of  life,  are  sufficient  proof  that 
they  are  powerful  instruments  in  improving,  not 
only  our  mental,  but  our  material,  condition. 

Under  existing  arrangements,  wealth  is  the  em- 
bodiment of  power.  Without  it,  all  the  crowns 
and  sceptres  of  the  earth  would  be  mere  baubles. 
Its  possession  or  non-possession  decides  whether 
one's  position  shall  be  high  or  low,  considered 
or  despised  ;  it  determines  whether  our  bodies 
shall  enjoy  plenty  or  suffer  want ;  whether 
'our  minds  shall  know  peace  or  endure  strife  ;  it 
ordains  whether  our  sojourn  on  this  planet  is  to 
be  one  of  pleasure  or  of  misery,  one  of  toil  or  of 
leisure  ;  it  regulates  the  quantity  and  the  quality 
of  those  things  desirable,  or  necessary,  one  may 


OF  THE  AGE.  1 29 

acquire  ;  it  prescribes  how  much  liberty  one  may 
claim  ;  how  much  of  that  indefinite  thing,  called 
Time,  one  may  call  his  own  ;  in  fact,  it  decides 
how  much  of  this  world,  and  that  which  it  con- 
tains, one  may  possess. 

Since,  then,  wealth  can  accomplish  so  much  ; 
since  the  extent  of  its  ownership  affects  the  con- 
dition, the  position,  the  happiness  of  every  in- 
dividual of  a  nation ;  since  it  is  the  admitted 
means  of  satisfying  man's  most  natural,  most 
reasonable,  most  legitimate,  desire — that  of  im- 
proving himself  and  embellishing  his  environ- 
ment— it  is  manifest  that  democratic  rule,  aiming 
to  benefit  the  people  at  large,  far  from  allowing 
a  class  to  monopolize  wealth,  should  devise 
means  to  secure  its  distribution  among  the 
greatest  possible  number,  consistent  with  the 
general  good. 

***** 

Whatever  else  may  be  said  of  this  earth,  she 
is  generous  in  her  resources,  and  responsive  to 
the  needs  of  those  who  live  thereon.  She  has 
immeasurable  wealth  which  she  yields  liberally 
to  man's  labor.  For  untold  past  centuries  she 
has  sent  forth  fruit  for  the  nourishment  of  her 
children,  and  seems  disposed  to  do  so  for  untold 
centuries  to  come.     She  is  certainly  an  earth  of 


1 30  THE  RE  VOL  UTIONAR  Y  TENDENCIES 

plenty;  nay,  we  have  known  periods  when 
man,  pressing  his  suit  for  her  favors,  received 
more  than  he  could  well  dispose  of.  Nor  has 
the  race  been  negligent  in  utilizing  the  materi- 
als which  nature  seemed  to  hold  in  reserve  for 
their  benefit.  In  every  quarter  of  the  globe  is 
found  evidence  of  the  stupendous  work  accom- 
plished by  man — not  only  to  sustain  life ;  not 
only  to  secure  the  useful,  but  the  beautiful. 
In  this  task  his  genius  has  contrived  to  lend 
assistance  to  his  hand ;  it  has  helped  increase 
a  thousand-fold  the  power  of  production,  and 
as  a  result  we  see  an  increase  of  a  thousand-fold 
in  the  wealth  of  the  world. 

But  notwithstanding  the  bounteousness  of 
nature  and  the  never-slacking  labor  of  man  ;  not- 
withstanding the  almost  fairy-like  assistance 
which  newly-discovered  forces  and  appliances 
lend  to  human  efforts;  notwithstanding  the 
facility  with  which  new  riches  are  produced, 
and  their  almost  incredible  growth  during  the 
past  century,  the  majority  of  the  peoplfe  are  still 
poor,  and  many  of  these  are  in  actual  want.  And 
this  is  due,  to  a  very  considerable  extent,  to  the 
gross  inequality  in  the  division  of  wealth.  The 
latter  is  absorbed  by  the  few,  hence  it  cannot 
be  applied  as  a  means  to  improve  the  condition 


OF  THE  AGE.  131 

of  the  many.  Whatever  increase  there  is  in 
productive  power;  whatever  increase  there  is 
in  riches;  whatever  advantage  is  drawn  from 
the  sciences,  the  arts — from  progress  in  any 
form — the  minority  derive  the  main  benefit 
thereof. 

Labor-saving  machinery,  which  implies  that 
humanity,  as  a  whole,  will  have  to  labor  less, 
should,  one  might  think,  be  welcome  to  all 
humanity.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  it  is  really  wel- 
come to  very  few ;  and  these  few,  odd  as  it  may 
appear,  are  not  workers;  therefore  the  labor- 
saving  machine  does  not  reduce  their  work. 
But  it  is  welcome  to  them  because  it  increases 
their  revenue  ;  because  they  can  secure  from  one 
machine  results  it  once  required  many  hands  to 
secure. 

Multitudes  of  men  look  upon  many  modern  in- 
ventions as  their  worst  enemies,  for  they  deprive 
them  of  the  opportunity  to  labor,  and  by  labor 
alone  can  they  live.  Thus,  that  which  should 
cause  the  whole  of  mankind  to  rejoice,  causes 
large  numbers  to  despond ;  that  which  should 
be  hailed  by  them  as  a  blessing,  is  considered  as 
a  curse  ! 

So  long  as  laws  fail  to  prohibit  the  unreason- 
able and  unjust  inequality  in  the  division  of  the 


132  THE  REVOLUTION'ARY  TENDENCIES 

goods  of  this  earth,  they  constitute  a  cause 
which  must  have  the  inevitable  effect  of  at- 
tracting riches  toward  the  rich,  and  repelling 
them  from  the  poor.  This,  under  existing 
economic  conditions,  is  as  certain  to  occur  as, 
under  existing  physical  conditions,  certain  bod- 
ies are  attracted  to  others,  while  others  are 
repelled.  Material  progress  might  advance  by 
leaps  and  by  bounds,  and  wealth  accumulate  to 
a  fabulous  degree ;  the  sands  of  our  shores 
might  be  turned  to  grains  of  gold  ;  the  moun- 
tains might  be  transformed  into  solid  masses  of 
iridium ;  but  while  the  laws  stand  as  they  now 
stand,  progress  and  wealth  will  continue  to  follow 
the  fixed  channel  traced  for  them,  and  increase 
the  beauty,  luxuriance,  and  delights  of  the 
oasis  of  the  favored  band,  while  leaving  the  arid 
plains,  whereon  the  multitudes  dwell,  as  desolate 
and  unattractive  as  formerly.  For  this  is  the 
natural  result  of  prevailing  laws,  and,  these 
laws  enforced,  their  effect  cannot  be  avoided. 

Thus,  while  men  are  associated  in  a  social 
body,  and  are  ruled  by  laws  theoretically  for 
the  benefit  of  all,  the  fact  is  that  the  majority 
of  men,  thus  associated,  are  the  recipients  of 
the  fewest  benefits.  Society,  instead  of  being 
based,  as  is  often  claimed,  on  the  principle  that 


OF  THE  AGE.  1 33 

its  working  should  redound  to  tlie  advantage 
of  the  greatest  possible  number,  and  that  the 
interests  of  a  portion  thereof  should  not  be 
paramount  to  the  interests  of  the  whole,  is 
based,  practically,  on  the  principle  that  its 
working  should  redound  to  the  advantage  of 
the  smallest  number,  and  that  the  interests  of 
the  whole  are  insignificant  as  compared  with 
those  of  a  portion  thereof.  The  entire  spirit 
of  society — its  customs,  laws,  government — is 
tainted  with  this  purpose.  The  proof  of  this 
lies  in  the  fact  that  the  majority  of  the  mem- 
bers of  the  social  body  are  kept  in  a  state  of 
constant  activity,  so  as  to  sustain  the  minority 
in  a  state  of  constant  leisure ;  they  are  kept  in 
a  state  bordering  on  misery  and  want,  so  as 
to  sustain  the  few  in  a  state  of  luxury  and 
abundance. 

And  this  is  termed  a  competitive  system,  and 
is  praised  as  such ;  whereas,  be  it  observed,  the 
principal  defect  of  the  system,  the  defect  from 
which  flows  all  the  evils  and  abuses  which  ren- 
der it  vulnerable,  is  that,  no  restriction  being 
placed  on  the  greed  and  selfishness  of  men,  a 
small  number  of  these  have  been  allowed  to 
acquire  a  monopoly  of  the  most  valuable  prizes 
of  life ;  and  owing  to  no  limit  being  placed  on 


1 34  THE  RE  VOL  UTIONA  K  Y'  TENDENCIES 

inheritance,  the  enjoyment  of  these  prizes  is,  to 
a  o-reat  extent,  excluded  from  competition  for 
all  time.  This  has  caused  society  to  be  divided 
into  two  classes :  one,  by  far  the  more  numer- 
ous and  more  powerful,  composed  of  poor  men 
who,  to  maintain  themselves,  are  compelled  to 
compete  with  each  other  for  work ;  the  other, 
numerically  weak,  composed  of  rich  men  who, 
to  amuse  themselves  and  gratify  their  vanity, 
first  crush  those  who  interfere  with  their  game, 
and  then  proceed  to  compete  with  each  other 
for  greater  wealth. 

As  operated  at  present,  the  system  is,  in  its 
most  serious  aspect — that  is,  the  maintenance 
of  life — competitive  for  the  poor,  not  for  the 
rich.  The  latter  form  a  class  apart,  and  belong 
to  a  system  which,  in  its  nature  and  require- 
ments, is  the  reverse  of  competitive.  Having 
all,  aud  more,  than  they  need,  they  are  not 
forced  to  enter  the  lists  of  the  battle  of  life ; 
the  mandate  which  w^ent  forth  from  the  gates 
of  Eden,  to  the  human  race,  does  not  apply  to 
them  ;  they  toil  not  by  the  sweat  of  their  brow, 
yet  have  they,  in  abundance,  of  bread  and  of 
fruit,  of  the  good  and  the  fair  things  of  this 
earth.  Not  only  are  they  guaranteed  protec- 
tion in  the  enjoyment  of  their  possessions,  but. 


OF  THE  AGE.  1 35 

owing  to  partial  and  over-indulgent  laws,  their 
offspring,  and  theirs,  whether  worthy  or  not, 
are  made  to  inherit  their  wealth,  their  station 
in  life,  and  all  the  benefits  these  insure. 

It  might  be  thought  that,  in  a  world  where 
the  majority  of  its  inhabitants  have  to  struggle 
for  bare  subsistence,  these  favored  mortals 
would  be  satisfied  with  a  condition  of  thing's 
which,  exempting  them  from  the  burden  of  sur- 
rounding hardships,  raises  them  to  an  exalted 
situation  from  which,  as  demi-gods,  they  can 
look  down  on  the  masses  of  suffering  human- 
ity. Not  so,  however.  Though  there  is  no 
necessity  for  them  to  enter  the  already  over- 
crowded field  of  competition,  there  are  many 
who  enter  there  nevertheless;  and  they  enter 
it  armed  with  every  advantage.  The  wealth 
they  control  decides,  in  advance,  the  contest  in 
their  favor;  equipped  from  head  to  foot,  they 
push  aside  and  overwhelm  those  whose  main 
strength  is  required  to  keep  body  and  soul 
together.  Moreover,  they  have  contrived,  by 
artful  manoeuvring,  to  draw  all  the  glory  and 
profits,  while  leaving  to  subordinates  all  the 
worry  and  fatigue,  of  their  vast  undertakings. 

Into  such  a  state  has  the  existing  system  fallen, 
that  many  of   those  who,  by  force  of  circum- 


136  THE  REVOLUTIONARY  TENDENCIES 

stances,  are  impelled  to  enter  the  field  of  com- 
petition, are  practically  shut  out ;  whereas  those 
who  have  every  incentive  to  withdraw,  remain 
therein,  animated  by  a  spirit  of  greed,  the  result 
of  which  cannot  fail  to  be  disastrous  to  their 
fellow-creatures.  We  see  the  many  laboring 
much,  and  securing  in  return  little  or  nothing 
beyond  subsistence ;  we  see  the  few  laboring 
little,  or  not  at  all,  and  securing  nearly  every- 
thing men  contend  for.  The  majority  of  the 
members  of  the  social  organization,  which  is 
supposed  to  advance  the  interests  of  all,  are 
compelled  to  devote  their  lives,  their  energies, 
to  the  advancement  of  the  interests  of  the 
minority. 

It  is  not  religious,  dynastic,  or  political  griev- 
ances, but  the  unfair  division  of  wealth  and  the 
unfair  competition  for  wealth,  which  enlighten- 
ment is  making  clear  to  all,  which  have  called 
into  existence  the  modern  subversive  tendencies ; 
it  is  the  contemplation  of  a  few  men  burdened 
with  riches,  when  millions  are  suffering  from 
poverty ;  it  is  the  accumulation  for  the  benefit 
of  a  small  number  of  that  which  should  be 
made  to  benefit  large  numbers ;  it  is  the  undue 
inequality  between  the  classes  ;  it  is  the  defect 
in  our  constitutions  which  allows  the  greed  for 


OF  THE  AGE.  1 37 

gold  to  have  unlimited  sway,  which  has  engen- 
dered the  opposition  to  the  existing  system,  and 
brought  forth  cries  for  its  destruction;  it  is 
these  which,  driving  the  people  to  extremes, 
have  given  birth  to  anarchism,  communism,  so- 
cialism, and  the  spirit  of  discontent  and  restless- 
ness, which  is  the  spirit  of  the  age ;  and  it  is 
these  which  must  be  done  away  with,  if  our  in- 
stitutions are  to  be  saved  and  social  order  pre- 
served ;  it  is  in  these  that  enlightened  Democracy 
must  bring  about  a  change  in  the  fulfilment  of 
its  duty,  its  mission. 


138  THE  REVOLUTIONARY  TENDENCIES 


CHAPTER  X. 

THE    PRINCIPLE    OF    REWARDS. 

IF  it  is  certain  that  wealth  is  essential  to  im- 
prove man's  condition,  it  is  no  less  certain 
that  unless  man  produce  and  maintain  it,  no 
other  power  in  the  universe  will  do  so. 

Wealth  does  not  spring  from  nothing ;  nor 
does  it  maintain  itself.  Now  man  is,  by  nature, 
sluggish ;  he  requires  a  stimulus  to  urge  him  to 
action,  to  exert  himself.  If  activity  be  not  en- 
couraged, indolence  will  prevail ;  if  indolence 
prevail,  not  only  will  new  wealth  not  be  created, 
but  that  which  already  exists  will  gradually 
vanish,  and  the  race  will  inevitably  fall  back  to 
that  stage  where  subsistence  would  be  their 
only  aim. 

It  would,  therefore,  be  a  task,  as  superfluous 
as  it  would  be  inconsequent,  to  attempt  the  dis- 
semination of  wealth  without  providing,  at  the 
same  time,  for  its  production  and  maintenance. 

While  the  accumulation  of  riches  in  the  hands 
of  the  few,  being  detrimental  to  the  welfare  of 


OF   THE  AGE.  139 

the  many,  is  essentially  undemocratic ;  while  it 
is  an  impediment  to  general  progress  and  is  an- 
tagonistic to  the  spirit  of  the  times ;  while  no 
more  serious  misfortune  could  befall  a  nation — 
especially  if  it  be  one  whose  intellectual  condi- 
tion is  such  as  to  justify  the  expectation  of  its 
attaining  a  higher  development — than  that  its 
resources  should  be  monopolized  by  a  small 
class,  to  the  exclusion  of  the  mass  of  the  peo- 
ple ;  while  no  greater  danger  could  face  a  gov- 
ernment, and  threaten  its  legitimate  power,  than 
that  of  a  grasping  Plutocracy  whose  aim  is,  and 
always  will  be,  to  make  its  own  interests  para- 
mount to  all  others;  while  this,  and  much 
more,  may  be  urged  against  the  possession  of 
inordinate  wealth,  it  by  no  means  follows  that 
the  possession  of  all  wealth  should  be  condemned 
as  pernicious  to  the  general  welfare.  As  well 
denounce  the  use  of  food  because  its  abuse  calls 
for  our  reprobation.  Eating  is  beneficial ;  glut- 
tony is  injurious ;  but  is  eating  to  be  discoun- 
tenanced because  some  men  are  gluttons  ?  And 
is  all  ownership  of  wealth  to  be  condemned 
because  a  few  men  own  excessive  wealth  ? 

If  a  too  great  disparity  in  the  possession  of 
the  good  and  the  fair  things  of  this  earth  is 
dangerous,  and  is  to  be  avoided,  it  is  no  less  true 


I40         THE  REVOLUTIONARY   TENDENCIES 

that  a  too  great  equality  would  prove  no  less 
dangerous,  and  no  less  iniquitous.  Equality  in 
the  enjoyment  of  wealth,  to  be  consistent,  to  be 
just,  should  be  the  result  of  equality  in  the 
production  of  wealth.  This,  for  many  reasons, 
is  manifestly  impossible.  Some  men  have  con- 
siderable capacity,  mental  and  physical,  for 
labor ;  others  have  little  or  none.  If  it  were 
decreed  that  all  should  share  alike  in  the  pos- 
session of  the  general  wealth,  those  of  superior 
ability  might  secure  greater  results,  and  yet  en- 
joy no  greater  benefits,  than  those  of  inferior 
ability.  This,  far  from  encouraging  them  to 
exert  themselves,  would  have  the  contrary  ef- 
fect. Moreover,  all  participating  equally,  many 
would  be  tempted  to  give  way  to  their  natural 
inclinations,  and  shirk  work  which  is  repulsive 
to  them.  A  state  of  things  more  iniquitous, 
and  more  disastrous  to  the  general  welfare, 
could  not  be  conceived.  The  effect  upon  the 
production  of  wealth,  and  the  consequent  effect 
upon  the  condition  of  the  people,  is  easy  to 
foresee.  Retrogression  and  decay  would  be 
unavoidable. 

The  acquiring  of  riches,  within  certain  bounds, 
could,  on  the  contrary,  be  made  to  serve  a  most 
beneficial  purpose  ;   it  could,  in  its  particular 


OF    THE  AGE.  I41 

line,  perform  a  function  no  less  vital  to  the 
social  body  than  that  which  nutrition  renders 
the  individual  body  ;  it  could  be  made  to  act  as 
a  stimulus  to  human  energies,  and  keep  alive 
those  forces  which  are  essential  to  man  if  he  is 
to  pursue  a  forward  course.  In  other  words,  if 
that  which  is  most  to  be  dreaded  in  respect  to 
the  future  of  the  race,  is  to  be  fought ;  if  that 
which  is  most  to  be  desired,  is  to  be  encouraged, 
wealth  should  be  reserved  as  a  precious  prize 
which,  while  its  contest  would  be  open  to  all, 
none  could  claim  who  had  not  proved  himself 
worthy  of  its  possession.  The  advantages  it 
secures,  and  the  opportunities  it  offers  for  the 
gratification  of  the  desire  to  ameliorate  one's 
condition,  are  sufficient  guarantee  that  the  full- 
est mental  and  physical  efforts  of  mankind 
would  be  exerted  in  its  acquirement. 

No  matter  what  may  be  said  against  the  ex- 
isting system — and  the  preceding  pages  have 
not  been  devoted  to  the  singing  of  its  praises — 
it  has  one  redeeming  feature,  and  one  which,  so 
long  as  man  is  constituted  as  he  is  to-day,  will 
have  to  be  the  pivotal  point  in  any  social  ad- 
justment which  is  destined  to  last.  This  cardi- 
nal feature  is  the  principle  of  rewards — of 
admitting  those  who   have  exerted  or  distin- 


142  THE  REVOLUTIONARY    TENDENCIES 

guished  themselves  above  all  others,  to  the 
enjoyment  of  certain  advantages,  both  as  a 
recognition  of  their  services  and  as  an  incentive 
for  others  to  follow  their  example.  Indeed,  so 
closely  allied  is  this  principle  to  civilized  man's 
desire  to  improve  his  condition,  that  what  was 
said  of  the  one  may  well  be  said  of  the  other. 
Whatever  is  recorded  as  progress ;  whatever 
advance  has  been  made  in  the  development  of 
intelligence,  in  the  expansion  of  knowledge,  in 
the  application  of  energy,  in  the  growth  of  in- 
dustry, in  the  perfectionment  of  the  arts  and 
sciences,  can  be  traced  to  the  system  of  rewards 
— or,  rather,  we  are  constrained  to  say,  to  the 
system  which  admitted  of  the  hope  of  reward  ; 
of  the  prospect  of  improving  one's  circum- 
stances, one's  condition  in  life.  This  hope, 
though  seldom  realized  beyond  a  certain  sphere ; 
though,  to  the  multitudes,  distant  like  the 
heavenly  stars,  yet  served  as  a  beacon  light  to 
direct  mankind  in  the  gloomy  paths  of  labor, 
in  the  accomplishment  of  arduous  tasks,  in  the 
fulfilment  of  high  ambitions.  It  was  the  un- 
seen, and  hence  deemed  mystic,  agent,  which 
gradually  overcame  the  barriers  of  primitive 
ignorance  and  barbarism,  and  forced  ajar  the 
gates  leading  to  the  glories  of  modern  enlight- 


OF   THE  AGE.  143 

enment  and  civilization.  It  gave  birtli  to,  and 
kept  alive,  the  energies,  the  genius,  of  the  race  ; 
it  raised  man  above  the  beast,  and  distinguishes 
him,  above  all  else,  from  the  beast;  nay — so 
great,  so  far-reaching  is  its  influence — has  it 
not  opened  to  him  a  vista,  entrancing,  alluring, 
which  leads  from  mortality  on  earth  to  immor- 
tality in  the  empyrean  realms  above? 

Withdraw  the  prospect  of  recompense,  and 
the  great  motive  power  of  the  civilized  world 
will  be  annihilated ;  the  incentive  to  physical 
energy,  the  spring  of  mental  activity,  will  be 
destroyed ;  the  hum  of  human  progress  will  be 
silenced  ;  industry  will  slumber  never  to  wake 
again ;  effort,  except  to  subsist,  will  be  synony- 
mous with  folly,  and  ambition  as  sterile  as  the 
chasing  of  rainbows;  a  gloom,  unrelieved  by  the 
faintest,  the  most  distant,  glimmer  of  light,  will 
pervade  the  universe. 

So  universal  is  the  hope  of  reward,  so  thor- 
oughly is  it  an  integral  portion  of  our  being, 
that  though  it  plays  an  all-important  r6le  in  our 
destinies,  we  are,  for  the  most  part,  as  uncon- 
scious of  its  existence  as  we  are  of  some  of  the 
vital  parts  of  our  body,  without  which,  however, 
life  would  be  impossible.  But  though  many 
may  be  unconscious  of  its  existence,  none  is  free 


144         ^^^  REVOLUTIONARY    TENDENCIES 

from  its  influence,  none  can  escape  its  talismanic 
power. 

The  little  ribbon,  the  prize,  the  medal,  the 
wreath  of  laurel,  the  diploma,  the  honorable 
mention,  stimulate  the  youth  to  strive  for  the 
first  place,  when,  without  these,  he  might  follow 
his  natural  bent,  and  give  way  to  indolence. 
Later,  he  is  animated  by  the  thought  of  the 
material  good  he  might  eventually  derive  from 
his  studies.  When  man's  estate  is  reached,  what 
is  it  sustains  him  in  the  struggle  of  life  ;  what 
is  it  incites  him  to  labor,  to  the  acquirement  of 
knowledge  and  experience,  to  perseverance  in 
the  face  of  obstacles,  but  the  hope  of  reward, 
for  himself  or  for  those  to  whom  he  is  attached  ? 
In  the  shop,  in  the  factory,  in  the  counting- 
house,  in  the  fields,  in  the  mines,  in  the  labora- 
tory, in  the  studio,  in  the  world  of  letters,  in 
the  sphere  of  diplomacy — everywhere — in  the 
civil  service,  in  the  army,  in  the  navy — what 
stimulates  attention  to  details,  to  duty,  to  good 
and  effective  work,  to  improvements,  save  the 
hope  of  recognition,  of  promotion,  and  may  be 
the  winning  of  one  of  the  prizes  of  life  ? 

The  greatest  of  all  religions — that  one  which 
has  swayed  the  more  civilized  nations  of  the 
earth  for  nearly  twenty  centuries — is  based  on 


OF   THE  AGE.  I45 

the  principle  of  reward  and  punishment.  And 
it  is  questionable  whether  any  creed,  in  any 
clime,  or  with  any  people,  could  endure  long, 
unless  this  principle  were  held  up  as  an  incen- 
tive to  good  and  a  moderator  to  evil.  If,  then, 
virtue,  the  peaceful  charm  of  which  we  have  all 
experienced,  is  not  sufficiently  its  own  reward, 
how  can  it  be  averred  that  labor,  the  hardships 
of  which  most  of  us  are  familiar  with,  can  be 
its  own  recompense  ? 

Undoubtedly  there  are  some  who,  in  their 
thoughts  and  actions,  are  uninfluenced  by  any 
ulterior  considerations ;  who  love  and  practise 
virtue  for  virtue's  sake ;  but  these  are  rare  ;  and 
social  institutions  are  organized  not  for  the  ex- 
ceptions, but  for  the  generality  of  mankind  ; 
just  as  prohibitory  laws  are  enacted,  not  for 
those  who  are  naturally  inclined  to  good,  but 
for  those  who  are,  or  might  be,  disposed  to 
evil.  And  as  in  the  moral  world,  not  only  has 
vice  to  be  restrained,  but  virtue  has  to  be  stim- 
ulated ;  so,  in  the  physical  world,  not  only  has 
indolence  to  be  combated,  but  industry  has  to 

be  encouraged,  by  the  expectancy  of  reward. 
«  *  *  *  * 

Owing  to  the  peculiar  and  unique  advantages 
it  affords,  and  which  have  already  been  dwelt 


146         THE  REVOLUTIONARY    TENDENCIES 

upon,  wealth  is  almost  universally  recognized 
as  the  chief  reward  for  which  genius,  industry, 
and  ability  contend.  Under  existing  conditions, 
however,  wealth  is  held  to  such  a  considerable 
extent  by  a  small  number,  that  there  is  little  or 
none  left  to  be  awarded  to  the  many  other  con- 
testants for  its  possession.  Moreover,  as  has 
been  seen,  this  small  number  occupy  such  a 
vantage  ground  in  the  field  of  competition,  that 
they  are  virtually  masters  of  the  situation,  and 
the  majority  of  men,  no  matter  how  intelligent 
and  industrious  they  may  be,  far  from  being  able 
to  appear  as  equally  equipped  rivals,  must,  on 
the  contrary,  submit  to  being  subordinates  or 
dependents — and  this  with  little  hope  of  ever 
being  anything  else. 

Thus  while  the  principle  of  rewards  is  recog- 
nized under  the  actual  order  of  things,  its  equi- 
table application  is  a  rare  occurrence.  It  exceeds 
the  bounds  of  all  reason  in  some  instances,  and 
does  not  approach  even  the  limits  of  common 
justice  in  others.  There  are  a  few  favored 
mortals  who  enjoy  the  princely  rewards  earned 
by  the  energy  and  abilities  of  ancestors  who 
lived  centuries  ago,  while  there  are  many  who 
possess  unusual  ability,  and  exert  untiring  en- 
ergy, and  yet  are  denied  the  most  trivial  requital. 


OF   THE  AGE.  147 

Some  are  allowed  numerous  mansions  and  parks, 
large  retinues  of  servants  and  assistants,  horses, 
carriages,  and  yachts,  and  a  revenue  which  per- 
niits  them  to  secure  all  the  comforts,  all  the 
luxuries,  all  the  pleasures  this  world  can  afford ; 
while  others,  whose  mental  and  physical  capaci- 
ties may  be  equal,  or  superior,  deem  themselves 
fortunate,  as  things  go,  in  the  occupancy  of  a 
single  room,  and  in  being  able  to  procure  the 
mere  necessaries  of  life.  In  other  words,  it 
is  a  principle  which  is  flagrantly  abused  and 
frequently  ignored ;  it  is  distorted  to  such  an 
extent  that  it  is  scarcely  recognizable ;  it  is  con- 
sidered in  some  rare  cases,  overlooked  in  many, 
and  in  all,  is  applied  regardless  of  equity, 
expediency,  or  actual  merit,  and,  worse  still, 
with  a  total  disregard  of  the  rights  or  claims 
of  other  contestants.  Leaving  out  the  cases 
where  inheritance  comes  into  play,  and  where, 
of  course,  it  is  practically  overlooked,  it  oper- 
ates as  does  the  roulette^  haphazard,  stopping 
here  and  there  by  chance;  awarding  fabulous 
sums  to  some,  and  sending  others  off  with 
nothing. 

This  proceeding  may  be  admirable  in  connec- 
tion with  a  game  of  chance  ;  it  is  lamentable  in 
connection  with  the  application  of  a  principle 


148         THE  REVOLUTIONARY    TENDENCIES 

— a  sacred  principle — on  which  rests  the  welfare 
of  the  human  race. 

It  is  the  persistent  misapplication  of  this 
principle  which  is  the  most  serious  charge 
which  can  be  brought  against  the  existing  sys- 
tem. It  is  against  the  abuse  of  this  principle — 
on  the  observance  of  which  the  happiness  and 
progress  of  a  people  depend,  to  a  great  extent 
— that  modern  Democracy  is  called  upon  to 
enter  a  solemn,  a  persistent,  an  effective  pro- 
test. 

Once  we  fairly  realize  what  wealth  is — what 
it  can  bring  to  man,  what  it  can  accomplish  for 
him — we  cannot  escape  the  conviction  that  its 
unfair  division,  and  the  unfair  competition  for 
its  possession,  is  the  greatest  injustice  which  can 
be  inflicted  on  a  nation,  and  one  which  it  is  im- 
possible to  associate  with  an  enlightened  people 
having  the  power  to  remedy  it. 

We  have  seen  that  the  race's  sojourn  on  this 
earth  is  conditional  on  the  performance  of  cer- 
tain labor ;  we  have  seen  that  food,  raiment,  and 
shelter  can  only  be  obtained  and  maintained 
by  constant  toil  and  application ;  and  that,  with- 
out these,  mankind  would  become  extinct,  or  be 
reduced  to  a  condition  similar  to  that  of  the 
savage  tribes  who  dwell  in  huts,  use  skins  as 


OF   THE  AGE.  1 49 

garments,  and  sustain  themselves  on  roots,  herbs, 
and  the  animals  and  birds  of  the  field  and  forest. 
In  the  earlier  periods,  mere  subsistence  was 
considered,  and  accepted,  as  sufficient  reward 
for  the  performance  of  labor;  indeed,  in  our 
time,  it  is  so  considered  by  the  ignorant,  as  it 
is  by  the  beasts  of  burden.  But  lo !  man 
awakens,  and,  by  the  light  of  intelligence,  he 
beholds  that  this  is  a  beautiful  world — a  vast, 
a  prolific,  a  luxuriant  world ;  he  realizes  that 
there  is  more  than  mere  subsistence  to  strive 
for ;  he  becomes  conscious  of  greater  comforts, 
of  sweeter  pleasures,  of  broader  action,  of  higher 
planes,  of  a  more  perfect  mental  development, 
of  a  deeper  joy  of  living ;  and  he  finds  that 
these,  and  not  mere  existence,  are  the  prizes  to 
be  sought,  to  be  fought  for.  Though  he  enjoys 
them  not,  he  feels  the  capacity  to  enjoy  them ; 
nay,  he  has  a  secret  sentiment  that  he  has  a 
right  to  share  in  them  ;  and  as,  notwithstanding 
his  efforts,  his  abilities,  his  aspirations,  they 
seem  to  be  beyond  his  reach,  he  uses  his  intelli- 
gence, newly  awakened,  to  inquire  into  the 
manner  of  their  awarding.  They  are  prizes, 
hence  they  must  be  rewards.  Rewards  for 
what  ?  Inevitable  inquiry — yet  fatal  to  those 
who  have  long  held  the  unearned  monopoly  of 


150         THE  REVOLUTIONARY    TENDENCIES 

prizes ;  fatal  inquiry  to  tliose  who  display  an 
accumulation  of  prizes  in  the  presence  of  the 
weary  legions  who  deserve  many,  but  have  been 
denied  any ! 

In  days  of  ignorance,  in  days  of  tyranny,  the 
awarding  of  prizes  may  have  been  left  to  the 
hand  of  favoritism ;  in  days  of  ignorance,  in 
days  of  tyranny,  the  advantages  of  life  may 
have  been  heaped  blindly  on  a  few,  regardless 
of  merit,  virtue,  or  valor  ;  regardless  of  equity, 
expediency,  or  policy ;  regardless  of  the  rights 
of  others  ;  but  in  an  age  of  enlightenment, 
in  an  age  of  popular  government,  favoritism 
should  make  way  for  impartiality ;  the  compe- 
tition of  prizes  should  be  free ;  the  awarding  of 
prizes  should  be  just ;  or,  at  least,  they  should 
be  so  distributed  that  an  unwarranted  accumu- 
lation of  them  in  one  quarter,  to  the  evident 
detriment  of  another,  would  be  impossible. 

This,  as  regards  the  welfare  and  progress  of 
the  people,  should  be  the  chief  aim  of  Democ- 
racy. It  should  strive  to  stimulate  the  activi- 
ties, mental  and  physical,  of  the  race ;  it  should 
promote  the  production  of  wealth,  the  advance- 
ment in  the  arts,  the  sciences,  the  letters;  it 
should  devise  means  to  embellish  the  world ; 
it  should  encourage  the  spirit  of  invention,  of 


OF   THE  AGE.  151 

improvement  in  the  mode  of  living,  of  perfec- 
tionment  in  every  branch ;  it  should  raise  the 
standard  of  ambition,  of  conduct,  of  duty ;  it 
should  guide  man  to  better,  nobler,  aims — to  a 
broader,  higher,  life ;  and,  since  heaven  is  offered 
as  a  reward  for  virtue,  how  better  can  this 
higher  state  on  earth  be  reached,  than  by  stim- 
ulating its  attainment  by  an  equitable  system 
of  terrestrial  rewards,  and  giving  all  an  equal 
opportunity  to  secure  the  crown  of  recompense 
— the  prize  of  perseverance,  industry,  and 
genius  ? 

If  the  system  of  rewards,  as  practised  at  pres- 
ent, with  all  its  defects  and  abuses,  with  its 
unfaii'  working  and  obnoxious  application,  has 
succeeded  in  doing  so  much  to  promote  pro- 
gress, and  advance  the  welfare  of  humanity; 
what  might  it  not  accomplish  in  the  same  line, 
if  freed  fi'om  these  defects  and  abuses,  if  prop- 
erly, equitably,  applied  ? 

If  the  vast  accumulations  of  wealth  were  set 
free  from  the  narrow  channel  in  which  they  are 
at  present  confined ;  if  they  were  released  and 
offered  to  the  world  as  compensation  for  actual 
energy,  actual  industry,  actual  genius,  all  the 
dormant  faculties  of  the  race  would  be  awak- 
ened, all  the  latent  powers  would  come  into 


152         THE  REVOLUTIONARY    TENDENCIES 

play ;  there  would  be  an  activity,  a  movement, 
a  revival — both  of  body  and  of  mind — such  as 
has  never  before  been  witnessed.  The  principle 
of  emulation,  of  reward,  established  on  a  legiti- 
mate, consistent  basis,  would  produce  results 
which  would  brush  aside  the  criticism  of  scoif- 
ers  and  the  sneers  of  sceptics ;  it  would  silence 
its  now  clamorous  enemies  ;  it  would  appeal  to 
the  reason,  to  the  sense  of  justice,  of  all  men. 


OF   THE  AGE.  1 53 


CHAPTER  XL 

THE    NECESSITY    OF    RESTKICTION. 

A  MORE  general  and  equitable  distribution 
of  the  wealth  of  the  nation,  implies  re- 
striction in  its  possession,  and  necessarily  calls 
for  a  disturbance  of  that  ownership  which  has 
been  described  as  exorbitant,  and  as  antagonis- 
tic to  the  public  weal. 

The  precedent  for  this  is  duly  established. 
Its  authenticity  is  unquestioned,  its  prominence 
overshadowing.  In  regulating  and  curtailing 
the  prerogatives  of  kings  and  the  privileges  of 
nobles,  the  ground  was  merely  broken  for  regu- 
lating and  curtailing  those  of  the  opulent  class. 
The  distribution  of  the  economic  power  now 
controlled  by  this  class,  is  as  essential  to  satisfy 
the  economic  rights  of  the  people,  as  was  the 
distribution  of  political  power,  once  monopo- 
lized by  the  sovereign  and  the  lords,  to  satisfy 
their  political  rights.  In  fact,  the  enjoyment  of 
the  latter  is,  if  anything,  less  consistent  with 
the  purposes  of  Democracy — which  should  aim 


154         THE  REVOLUTIONARY    TENDENCIES 

to  benefit  the  greatest  possible  number — than 
the  enjoyment  of  the  fonner. 

Political  power,  disseminated,  loses  much  of 
its  efficiency ;  whereas  wealth,  concentrated,  re- 
tains all  its  efficiency.  In  one  instance,  frag- 
ments of  what  was  once  a  puissant  unit,  are 
scattered  liberally  among  the  people,  and  are, 
in  consequence,  rendered  worthless,  unless  the 
greater  portion  of  them  can  be  reunited,  and 
thus  applied  as  a  means  to  an  end ;  in  the  other 
instance,  riches,  whose  potency  is  apparent,  and 
whose  possession,  to  a  certain  extent,  is  essen- 
tial to  one's  welfare,  are  allowed  to  accumulate 
in  the  hands  of  a  few. 

What  do  the  much  vaunted  political  rights, 
as  they  are  now  used,  amount  to  with  the  ma- 
jority of  those  who  enjoy  them  ?  There  are 
many  who  would  exchange  them  for  a  loaf  of 
bread ;  there  are  thousands  who,  when  the  oc- 
casion presents  itself,  sell  them  for  a  piece  of 
silver ;  and  there  are  not  a  few  who  are  so  little 
impressed  with  their  value,  that  they  seldom, 
if  ever,  exercise  them. 

Political  rights,  like  any  other  rights,  are 
valuable  in  proportion  to  their  power  to  main- 
tain one  in  the  enjoyment  of  something  already 
possessed,  or  to  secure  something  desired  but 


OF   THE  AGE.  1 55 

not  yet  possessed.  If  every  poor  man  in  the 
country  were  given  one  hundred  votes,  while 
every  rich  man  were  deprived  of  any  voice  what- 
ever in  government,  but  with  the  understanding 
that  he  was  to  be  left  in  absolute  possession  of 
his  millions,  which  would  be  the  more  privi- 
leged, which  would  be  the  more  deserving  of 
envy — the  citizen  with  his  hundred  votes,  or  the 
citizen  with  his  hundred  thousand  a  year  ?  The 
rich  man  would  not  begrudge  the  poor  one  all 
the  political  rights,  all  the  political  honors,  which 
might  be  showered  upon  him,  provided  their 
financial  positions  remained  unchanged.  And 
for  excellent  reasons.  Who  would  exchange 
material  advantages  for  empty  honors  ?  Who 
would  not  forego  titles  for  the  substantial 
pleasures  of  life?  Who  would  cling  to  that 
which,  under  the  circumstances  named,  could 
bring  nothing,  in  preference  to  that  which  could 
command  all  things  ? 

One  thing  is  clear.  The  successful  movement, 
above  referred  to,  against  the  monopoly  by 
a  few  of  political  and  other  privileges  and  ad- 
vantages, was  a  preliminary  step  towards  the 
fuller  recognition  and  the  broader  application 
of  the  doctrine — the  justice  of  which  is  univer- 
sally conceded — that  personal   interests,   even 


156  THE  REVOLUTIONARY  TENDENCIES 

those  of  kinoes  and  nobles,  should  be  subordinate 
to  general  interests. 

From  time  immemorial  there  have  been,  in 
all  civilized  countries,  laws  of  a  restraining 
nature,  based  upon  the  principle  that  indivi- 
duals must  curb  their  propensities,  their  pas- 
sions, their  desires,  whenever,  by  gratifying 
these,  the  interests  of  society  might  be  adversely 
affected.  Robbery,  forgery,  rape,  and  arson  are 
forbidden,  because  the  committal  of  these  crimes, 
if  permitted,  would  prove  injurious  to  the  wel- 
fare of  the  people  in  general,  though  they  might 
advance  the  interests  of  those  committing  them. 

A  man  is  starving ;  as  he  drags  himself  along 
the  streets,  he  sees  within  easy  reach  the  where- 
with to  satisfy  his  hunger ;  but  the  law  stands 
between  him  and  the  loaf  of  bread ;  it  warns 
him  that  it  were  wiser  to  let  his  hunger  con- 
sume him,  than  to  attempt  to  reduce  it  by  seiz- 
ing the  loaf.  In  enforcing  this  regulation,  the 
state  considers  that  it  is  benefiting  the  com- 
munity. It  is  for  their  welfare — the  welfare  of 
the  many  as  opposed  to  that  of  the  individual 
— that  this  particular  subject  must  restrain  his 
desire,  his  hunger.  In  other  words,  the  first 
law  of  nature — that  of  personal  self-preservation 
— is  made  subordinate  to  the  code  of  laws  which 


OF   THE  AGE.  1 57 

was  adopted  for  the  preservation  of  society. 
The  man  who  is  starving  cannot  steal  a  loaf  of 
bread  to  preserve  his  life,  because  stealing  is 
destructive  to  society.  The  principle  is  clearly 
established  and  recognized  that  individual  in- 
terests— no  matter  how  pressing — should  not, 
in  any  case,  supersede  general  interests.  And 
yet,  how  limited,  in  our  day,  is  the  application 
of  this  excellent  principle  of  restriction.  The 
law  which  prohibits  the  gratification  of  the  poor 
man's  hunger  at  the  expense  of  his  neighbor, 
should,  to  be  logical,  prohibit  the  gratification 
of  the  rich  man's  greed  at  the  expense  of  his 
neighbors.  If  it  is  just  and  politic  that  indi- 
viduals should  be  restrained  whenever  their 
actions  tend  to  affect  adversely  the  morals  and 
welfare  of  the  community,  certainly  a  check 
should  be  imposed  on  those  who,  by  accumula- 
ting wealth  far  beyond  their  needs,  are  instru- 
mental in  producing  poverty  and  the  crimes  and 
vices  which  poverty  engenders.  If  personal 
self-preservation,  or  self-gratification,  must  make 
way  for  social  preservation,  then  it  should  be 
required  that  the  opulent  surrender  a  portion  of 
their  riches  to  save  the  social  organization.  If 
the  principle  of  subjection  to  restrictions  for  the 
general  good  is  one  whose  application  is  essential 


158  THE  REVOLUTIONARY  TENDENCIES 

to  the  welfare  of  society,  then  the  doctrine  of 
limiting  incomes  should  be  recognized,  and  it 
should  be  embodied  in  laws  under  the  same 
head  as  those  which  compel  men  to  forego, 
under  penalty,  certain  inclinations,  and  the  in- 
dulgence of  such  passions  as  might  inflict  injury 
on  others. 


The  Mussulman,  true  disciple  of  Mohammed, 
considers  a  plurality  of  wives  a  luxury ;  but  the 
extent  to  which  he  may  indulge  this  luxury  is 
necessarily  regulated  by  the  extent  of  his  wealth. 
If  very  rich,  he  has  a  harem ;  if  in  moderate  cir- 
cumstances, he  has  one  wife ;  if  poor,  he  has 
none.  Great  wealth,  therefore,  gives  him  privi- 
leges which,  it  must  be  admitted,  are  a  serious 
menace  to  the  general  welfare ;  since  a  few  men 
of  large  means  might  attract  to  their  sides,  as 
wives  or  odalisques,  all  the  fair  maidens  in  the 
land.  What,  then,  would  be  the  fate  of  those 
who,  living  in  the  same  countiy,  under  the  same 
rule,  were  unable  to  procure  wives?  What, 
under  such  conditions — surfeit  on  one  side,  want 
on  the  other — would  become  of  morals,  of  so- 
ciety, of  the  state  itself  ?  Let  the  empires  of 
the  East,  where  no  god  but  Allah  is  worshipped, 


OF  THE  AGE.  1 59 

where  no  prophet  but  Mohammed  is  recognized, 
answer. 

The  Christian,  who  deems  himself  more  civil- 
ized  than  the  Mussulman,  is  not  permitted  to 
practice  polygamy.  Why  so  ?  Certainly  not 
from  lack  of  love  of  luxury ;  and  perhaps  not 
from  lack  of  an  inclination  towards  polygamy. 
Many  reasons  are  advanced.  Some  refer,  not 
irrelevantly,  to  the  effect  it  would  have  on  in- 
heritance and  division  of  property;  but  the  most 
plausible  reason  is  that  the  sexes,  being  nearly 
evenly  divided,  the  inevitable  result  of  some 
men  securing  a  plurality  of  women,  would  be  to 
deprive  many  of  having  any.  It  was,  therefore, 
deemed  impolitic  to  permit  a  certain  class  to 
enjoy  a  privilege,  the  nature  of  which  could  not 
fail  to  prove  pernicious  to  the  general  welfare. 

There  are,  however,  other  things  needful, 
other  things  desirable  and  enjoyable,  in  the 
division  of  which  a  less  equitable,  a  less  politic, 
spirit  is  shown.  Indeed  it  would  seem  that  to 
compensate  for  this  single  limitation,  unlimited 
privileges  in  other  respects  were  granted  the  fa- 
vored of  fortune.  Restricted  in  the  possession 
of  but  one  legal  wife,  they  are  restricted  in  little 
else.  The  extent  to  which  they  may  enjoy  the 
advantages  of  life,  is  regulated  only  by  the  ex- 


1 60  THE  REVOLU TIONA R  V  TENDENCIES 

teut  of  their  wealth.  There  being  no  limit  placed 
on  their  wealth,  whatever  riches  can  purchase  is 
theirs,  though  others  may  be  wanting  in  the  essen- 
tials of  life.  Their  ambition,  allowed  full  sway, 
knows  no  bounds,  and  their  greed  is  beyond 
the  reach  of  satiety.  Everything  facilitates 
their  task ;  everything  tends  in  their  direction. 
There  is  a  strange  power  whereby  gold  is  drawn 
towards  gold.  The  greater  the  accumulation, 
the  greater  the  attraction.  Thus  the  quantity 
keeps  on  increasing  while  still  increasing  the 
attraction  for  more  to  be  attracted.  There  are 
men,  in  many  countries,  who  annually  add  more 
than  a  million  to  their  possessions.  If  the  same 
process  of  accretion  were  applied  to  land,  and 
circumstances  permitted  its  continuance,  it  is 
evident  that  a  man,  acquiring  title  to  several 
million  acres  every  year,  need  only  live  long 
enough  to  become  possessed  of  the  earth.  Con- 
sidering the  vast  holdings  of  certain  individuals, 
the  rapid  and  enormous  increase  of  their  wealth, 
the  strenuous  and  unobstructed  efforts  they  are 
making  to  add  constantly  thereto,  and  the  re- 
sultant power  thus  obtained,  there  is  no  reason 
why  a  few  men  should  not  combine  and  hold 
absolute  sway  over  dominions,  rivaling,  in  di- 
mensions and  richness,  those  of  mighty  states. 


OF  THE  AGE.  l6l 

As  it  is,  they  constitute  a  power,  a  veritable 
Plutocracy,  whicli,  so  long  as  it  lasts,  renders 
ridiculous  all  pretensions  to  the  supremacy  of 
Democracy. 

Let  it  not  be  thought,  however,  that  the  les- 
sons of  the  past  are  completely  lost  to  memory. 
The  overthrow  of  certain  mighty  kings,  the 
reduction  of  others  to  mere  figureheads,  are  not 
mere  romances,  without  historical  meaning, 
without  portent  of  the  future.  If  the  power 
of  princes  is  subject  to  limitations,  surely  that 
of  citizens  is  not  beyond  restrictions.  The 
principle  which  should  guide  Democracy — the 
principle  on  which  all  just  government  should 
be  based — of  subordinating  the  individual  to 
the  general  welfare,  of  allowing  each  one  the 
freedom  to  seek  and  promote  his  personal  in- 
terests, only  on  condition  that  they  interfere  in 
no  way  with  the  interests  of  others,  requires, 
and  will  obtain,  a  broader  application  than  at 
present.  Eestricting  the  prerogatives  of  rulers, 
and  the  privileges  of  nobles  and  clergy,  is  not 
sufficient.  Distributing  votes  and  concentrating 
wealth  will  not  fulfil  public  aspirations.  Pro- 
hibiting personal  hunger  to  satisfy  itself  at  the 
expense  of  public  morality,  while  allowing  per- 
sonal greed  to  satisfy  itself  at  the  expense  of 


1 62  THE  RE  VOL  U  TIONA  R  V  TENDENCIE  S 

the  public  welfare,  does  not  meet  the  require- 
ments of  equity.  Limiting  a  man  to  the  posses- 
sion of  one  wife  and  according  him  unlimited 
possession  of  all  else,  is,  assuredly,  but  a  feeble, 
and  far  from  successful,  attempt  to  secure  a  fair 
division  in  the  many  things  subject  to  division. 
No  one  can  doubt  that  if,  in  one  of  the  great 
modern  republics,  a  few  citizens  were  granted 
the  privilege  of  having  as  many  wives  as  they 
chose  to  gather  under  their  roof,  it  would  be 
decried,  not  only  as  undemocratic,  but  as  an 
excess  of  luxury  derived  from  semi-barbarous 
nations.  But  it  is  not  considered  undemocratic, 
in  certain  quarters,  to  allow  a  few  citizens  the 
privilege  of  accumulating  untold  millions,  and 
indulging  in  the  excess  of  luxury  which  these 
aiford.  Yet  the  injustice  of  this  unrestricted 
privilege  is  no  less  palpable,  and  the  results  no 
less  disastrous,  than  would  be  those  attending 
unrestricted  polygamy.  The  latter  is  prohibited 
by  law,  and  thus  the  inordinate  inclinations  of 
many  are  somewhat  held  in  check.  But  why 
does  restriction  end  here  ?  Money  is,  by  uni- 
versal consent  and  usage,  the  medium  of  ex- 
change for  all  things.  The  landowner  exchanges 
his  land,  or  its  use,  for  money ;  the  farmer  ex- 
changes his  produce,  the  merchant  his  wares, 


OF  THE  AGE.  1 63 

for  money ;  tlie  laborer,  the  clerk,  the  employee 
of  every  description,  exchange  their  services  for 
money ;  the  writer  exchanges  his  literary  efforts, 
the  poet  his  eifusions,  the  artist,  the  sculptor, 
their  inspired  productions,  for  money ;  nothing, 
from  the  commonest  comfort  to  the  rarest  lux- 
ury, can  be  purchased  without  money  ;  without 
it,  bread  cannot  be  obtained ;  it  is  as  necessaiy 
to  existence  as  is  water,  as  is  air;  it  is,  in  the 
fullest  sense  of  the  word,  an  essential  of  life  to 
whomsoever  lives  in  a  civilized  community. 
Yet  we  see  some  who  have  a  superabundance 
of  this  essential  of  life  ;  many  who  have  barely 
sufficient  thereof ;  others  who  have  none. 

It  is  obvious  that  if  there  was  less  superfluity 
in  some  quarters,  there  would  be  less  want  in 
others;  and  that  greater  numbers  would  be 
brought  within  the  sphere  of  comfort.  Not- 
withstanding which  fact,  there  is  no  country — 
however  boastful  of  its  popular  institutions , 
however  jealous  of  its  democratic  constitutions 
— which  has  on  its  statute  books  laws  providing 
that  money — the  essential  of  life — shall  be  so 
distributed  as  to  benefit  the  greatest  possible 
number.  There  are  no  restrictions  on  its  accu- 
mulation, nor  on  that  of  any  property,  its  equiv- 
alent.    In  one  city — in  what  is  termed  a  com- 


164  THE  REVOLUTIONARY  TENDENCIES 

momoealtli — there  are  a  score  of  men  who  have 
between  them  a  thousand  million  dollars,  while 
a  million  souls  cannot  claim  a  thousand  apiece. 
These  score  of  men  enjoy  privileges,  and  wield 
a  power  for  weal  or  for  woe — political,  finan- 
cial, and  social — greater  than  those  of  the  mill- 
ion souls  combined.  And  this  preponderance 
of  privileges  and  power  is  allowed  them  by  a 
government  which  is  supposed  to  guarantee  to 
all  the  enjoyment  of  equal  rights,  the  enjoy- 
ment of  equal  opportunities. 

Call  this  state  of  things  what  you  will,  but 
call  it  not  Democracy;  claim  for  it  what  ad- 
vantages you  please,  but  claim  not  that  it  is 
advantageous  to  the  nation  at  large ;  defend  it 
on  whatever  grounds  you  choose,  but  defend  it 
not  on  the  ground  of  equity,  of  morality,  or  of 
expediency. 

If  we  reflect  well,  there  is  nothing  more  nec- 
essary to  prevent  the  individual  interest  from 
subordinating  the  general  interest ;  there  is 
nothing  more  essential  to  secure  a  fairer  distri- 
bution of  the  prizes  of  life ;  there  is  nothing 
more  indispensable  to  promote  the  public  wel- 
fare, to  meet  the  demands  of  the  times,  and  give 
consistency  to  popular  government,  than  regu- 
lating the  distribution  of  wealth,  and  providing 


OF  THE  AGE.  1 65 

against  its  accumulation  in  the  hands  of  the 
few.  In  no  other  way  can  an  equilibrium,  guar- 
anteeing stability,  be  established ;  in  no  other 
way  can  the  irrational  extremes,  immoderate 
extravagance  on  one  side  and  absolute  want  on 
the  other — two  evils  long  deplored,  too  long 
tolerated — be  obviated;  in  no  other  way  can 
the  vices  to  which  are  traceable  the  decline  of 
progress  and  the  degeneracy  of  nations  be  sub- 
dued; in  no  other  way  can  the  area  of  pros- 
perity expand  and  thus  welcome  a  larger  body 
of  participants ;  in  no  other  way  can  the  ad- 
vancement, the  improvement,  moral  and  physi- 
cal, of  the  people,  be  accomplished,  and  the  tri- 
umph of  Democracy  achieved. 


1 66  THE  REVOLUTIONARY  TENDENCIES 


CHAPTER  XII. 

CONCLUSION. 

IT  is  not  the  subversion  of  the  existing  sys- 
tem, but  the  elimination  of  the  abuses  and 
defects  which  render  it  vulnerable  and  threaten 
its  continuance,  which  enlightened  Democracy 
should  advocate.  There  should  be  no  attempt 
to  attack  or  diminish  the  legitimate  authority 
of  government,  but  an  attempt  should  be  made 
to  point  out  its  inconsistencies  and  to  bring  its 
spirit  into  harmony  with  its  form.  It  is  not 
private  ownership  of  property,  but  its  accumu- 
lation in  the  hands  of  the  few,  to  the  detriment 
of  the  many,  that  should  be  condemned.  No 
rights  of  individuals  should  be  opposed  save 
those  ill-conceived  ones  which  are,  in  fact, 
infrino-ements  on  the  riajhts  of  others.  No 
thouo;ht  should  be  more  distant  than  that  of 
assailing  the  refined,  the  cultured  class.  On 
the  contrary,  the  aim  should  be  to  increase  this 
class,  till  the  majority  of  men  are  refined  and 
cultured.     Lastly,  far  from  exciting  the  masses 


OF   THE  AGE.  1 67 

to  disregard  prevailing  codes,  it  should  be 
maintained  that  all  laws,  however  unjust,  re- 
main laws,  and  should  be  respected,  till  legally 
repealed.  If  this  be  disregarded,  anarchy  be- 
comes law.  In  one  word,  the  people,  enjoying 
supremacy  in  government,  and  being  entitled 
to  the  benefits  which  that  supremacy  entails, 
should  use  the  power  which  is  vested  in  them 
— and  which  allows  them  to  frame  the  consti- 
tution under  which  they  are  to  live — to  alter 
the  conditions  which  unduly  favor  some  and 
unduly  oppress  others ;  they  should  require 
that  those  regulations,  by  means  of  which  all 
the  advantages  of  life  are  transmitted,  for  all 
time,  to  heirs  of  a  certain  class,  to  the  exclusion 
of  all  other  classes,  however  intelligent  and  in- 
dustrious, be  amended  ;  they  should  insist  that 
the  scope  of  inheritance  and  accumulation  be 
restricted,  and  that  of  opportunity  ex23anded. 
And  in  doing  this,  it  will  be,  not  a  privilege, 
but  a  right,  they  demand ;  it  will  be,  not  for 
mercy,  but  for  justice,  they  contend. 

Opposition  is  to  be  expected.  It  is  natural 
to  resist  the  withdrawal  of  privileges  long  en- 
joyed. No  matter  how  iniquitous  these  may  be, 
their  possessor  will  see  iniquity  only  in  being 
deprived   thereof.     The   slave-owner,  overlook- 


1 68  THE  REVOLUTIONARY    TENDENCIES 

ing  the  fact  that  he  was  robbing  human  beings 
of  their  freedom,  considered  himself  robbed  of 
his  slaves  when  these  were  emancipated.  No 
tyrant  was  ever  divested  of  the  power  he 
usurped,  without  denouncing  the  act  as  unjusti- 
fiable and  tyrannical.  And  so  the  man  of  opu- 
lence who,  by  various  means,  has  amassed  a 
vast  fortune  at  the  expense  of  others,  will  pro- 
test vehemently  against  having  to  surrender  a 
portion  of  his  riches.  He  did  not  raise  his 
voice  against  the  nefarious  methods  which  en- 
abled him,  or  his  ancestors,  to  despoil  the  com- 
munity with  impunity ;  but  he  will  proclaim  as 
unjust  the  laws  which  compel  restitution ;  he 
will  lament  the  degeneracy  of  the  age,  and 
deplore  as  inhuman  the  action  which,  though  all 
humanity  benefit  thereby,  restrains  his  grasping 
propensities,  and  cries  halt  to  a  selfish  ambition 
which  recognizes  no  limits. 

Since  times  and  conditions  are  changed ;  since 
ignorance — which,  in  the  past,  accounted  for  the 
lowly  position  of  the  mass  of  men — is  rapidly 
disappearing ;  since  mental  superiority — which, 
in  the  early  development  of  society,  justified 
the  elevation  of  the  few  over  the  many — is  no 
longer  the  exclusive   boast  of  a   small  circle. 


OF   THE  AGE.  169 

but  the  shining  distinction  of  ever-increasing 
numbers,  by  what  grace  of  God,  by  what  right, 
human  or  divine,  do  you,  O  Favorite  of  For- 
tune, lay  claim  to  the  Sovereignty  of  this  Earth  ? 
What  becomes  of  your  once  recognized  privilege 
to  lord  it  over  mankind  ?  What  remains  of  the 
foundation  on  which  rested  the  titles  to  the 
rich  estates  you  occupy  ?  You  refer  to  ancient 
law  and  ancient  custom ;  but  remember  there 
is  no  law,  no  custom,  which  is  not  of  man's 
making,  and  is  not  subject  to  man's  unmaking. 
You  point  to  the  sacredness  of  inheritance ; 
but  others  will  point  to  its  abuses,  and  ask 
whether  your  claims  in  this  respect  are  more 
valid  than  those  of  certain  kings — of  Charles 
of  England,  of  Louis  of  France — whose  exalted 
pretensions  saved  neither  their  thrones  nor 
their  heads.  You  demand  the  reward  of  su- 
perior genius  ;  but  you  demand  it  at  the  expense 
of  a  host  of  victims,  as  did  the  victorious  war- 
rior who,  on  the  ruins  of  fallen  monarchy,  built 
a  mighty  empire  and,  laughing  at  inheritance, 
proclaimed  himself  a  modern  Caesar.  Forget 
not,  however,  that  his  vast  dominions,  con- 
quered and  ruled  by  his  dazzling  genius,  were 
wrested  from   his  control ;  that   his  imperial 


I/O         THE  REVOLUTIONARY    TEXDEXCIES 

crowD,  the  most  resplendent  the  world  had 
seen,  was  exchanged,  against  his  will,  for  that 
of  a  Mediterranean  islet;  and  that,  as  you 
will,  he  rebelled  against  the  substitution  of 
the  smaller  for  the  greater  realm.  He  who  had 
ruled  over  France  disdained  to  rule  over  the 
petty  island  kingdom ;  he  sighed  to  reconquer 
the  glories  of  the  past ;  to  breathe  once  more 
the  entrancing  atmosphere  of  yore.  He  sailed, 
on  the  ship  of  Destiny,  from  Elba  to  Waterloo  ; 
from  Waterloo  to  St.  Helena.  There,  alas! 
no  crown  awaited  him  ;  no  sceptre ;  no  dominion, 
however  small.  The  sun  of  Empire  had  set ; 
the  last  shadow  of  grandeur  had  vanished.  The 
ambition  which  knew  no  limit,  the  spirit  which 
panted  for  universal  conquest,  was  confined 
to  a  solitary  rock  in  the  stormy  wastes  of  the 
Atlantic. 

Thus  ended  the  career  of  one  who  aspired 
to  the  sovereignty  of  the  earth. 

Do  you,  O  Money-king,  claim  a  genius  more 
commanding,  an  influence  more  weighty,  than 
that  of  the  haughty  conqueror  of  Europe,  who 
had  proud  princes  for  courtiers,  rich  kingdoms 
for  provinces  ?  Face  to  face  with  the  superior 
forces,  the  paramount  rights,  of  others,  to  what 


OF   THE  AGE.  I/I 

star  will  you  turn,  to  what  power  will  you 
appeal,  for  exemption  from  a  fate  whicli  at- 
tended the  greatest  of  mortals  ? 

Pause  and  reflect. 

The  choice  is  yours :  Elba  or  St.  Helena  ? 

THE    END 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  LIBRARY 

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